What factors existed or exist that may promote
language shift?

Guam

     Several factors were found to have existed or were in actual
existence that would create an environment propitious for
language shift on Guam including the school's and government's
use of the language, migration, industrialization, societal
bilingualism and the prestige level of the two languages,
Chamorro and English.
     The school's and government's use of the English language 
on Guam has been consistent since the arrival of the Americans in
1898. As was common at the time of U.S. occupation of this
island, the schools became instruments of indoctrination. 
Americanization of the occupants of the island began almost
immediately through the use of the English language as a medium
of instruction for an imported curriculum based on U.S. culture
and history (Underwood 1987, S nchez, 1987).  Once the schools
were opened to the Chamorros, they readily accepted the ways and
language of the American military in charge of teaching them
(Governor Schroeder, Annual Report, 1902).  Students learned to
pledge allegiance to the United States flag, pay homage to heroes
of the American Revolution and sing patriotic songs in English
(Governor's Report, 1904).  Up until 1950, the U.S. military had
been responsible for the imposition of this language in the
schools, but with the signing of the Organic Act of Guam,
islanders gave governmental sanction to the measure. The Organic
Act explicitly states that:
     "English is the official language for instruction and it is
expected that all teachers and pupils will use English during the
hours school is in session.  This is in keeping with one of the
major educational objectives in Guam to make English a fluent and
effective medium of communication for all citizens of the United
States." (Organic Act of Guam, 1950) 
     The schools encouraged identification with everything
American, including the language, and from 1900 to the present,
English has continued to be the medium of instruction in the
public schools and Universities of Guam (Safford, General Order
13, 1900; Government Code of Guam, Title XII, Section 11201).
     The government of Guam has also used English as its medium
of communication between offices and with the people of Guam
since the arrival of the Americans. In 1900, all those who became
employees of the government were required to take an oath in
English (General Order #25, 1900).  General Order #48 issued on
January 17, 1903 required that all affidavits and notarizing of
documents had to be in English, and in 1906, Governor Potts
issued an order for all court records and land registry to be
kept in the English language (Special Order #17, Sept. 15, 1906).
None of these orders have been repealed, and in 1993, all laws
were still being published in English.  Marriage and Birth
Certificates were issued in English with no Chamorro translation. 
All government correspondence was in English and in spite of an
Executive Order (number 84-6, 1987) requiring that letterheads
and logos of government correspondence use both languages, the
Governor's letterhead continues to contain only the logo in
English. Peter Onedero, Chairman of the Chamorro Language
Commission in 1993, revealed that any attempts he has made to use
the Chamorro language in official correspondence has been met
with resistance, often followed by petitions for English
translations of the correspondence sent (Interview, Peter
Onedero, 1993). It wasn't until 1974 that Chamorro was even
considered as an official language of Guam with the condition
that it "shall not (emphasis mine) be required for official
recording of public acts and transactions" (Government of Guam,
Public Law 12-132, Section 3000).
     Another factor known to promote shift is that of migration,
where a large population of speakers of another language come in
contact with the natives.  In Guam, two such incidences occurred
that may have been influential in promoting a shift to English:
the arrival of a massive population of U.S. military personnel as
a consequence of WWII and in more recent years, the surge of
immigration from the different non-Chamorro speaking areas of
Asia and Micronesia.
     Initially, a comparatively small number of  U.S. military
personnel occupied the island of Guam.  In 1908, there were only
331 naval personnel reported in relation to 11,159 natives
(Governors Report, 1908), and in 1909 Captain Edward J. Dorn,
U.S. Navy reported a total of 224 naval personnel in relation to
11,373 natives (Governor's Annual report, 1909). The number of
non-native speakers on the island was comparatively small;
however, after WWII, this number increased to the degree that in
the 1950's, the number of military personnel on the island
outnumbered the Chamorro population (Underwood, 1987, 95).  The
contact with the military at this time became frequent and in
intimate, social situations where the Chamorro language had
previously been used (Underwood, 1987, 95). 
     Military personnel were the first assigned to teach English,
as well as other subjects in the schools.  Eventually, these
teachers were to be substituted by trained native teachers;
however in 1977, a Department of Education official reported in
the Pacific Daily News that "75 percent of high school and 90
percent of elementary school teachers [were] statesiders..."
("Cardigan Champions Chamorro Cause", March 3, 1977).
     The second incident of contact with linguistic groups who do
not speak Chamorro has been in recent years.  A large number of
immigrants from nearby Micronesia and Asia have assailed the
island in the last 30 years to such an extent that almost half of
the students enrolled in the public schools of Guam are
non-Chamorro  speakers (SEE TABLE 1).

TABLE I

Percentage of Chamorros in Total Enrollment Public Schools of Guam: 1980-1989

YearPercentYearPercent
198054198553
198154198653
198255198753
198353198853
198454198954
(Shafer, 1990, 3)

     Because this large number of non-Chamorro speakers is not
exposed to any language other than English in the school system,
and their native language at home, one can expect that the
language of communication between Chamorros and non-Chamorros on
Guam is necessarily English.
     Still another factor influencing the use of English on the
island is industrialization.  Probably because of the destruction
left behind by World War II and the various typhoons passing
through Guam, together with general economic tendencies of the
time, the emphasis on agriculture in the economy of Guam
lessened.  In the beginning, if not in agriculture, the only
other jobs available were those offered by the military
government, (Sanchez, 1987, 273)  and after the Organic Act of
1950, the government of Guam became the major employer of
Chamorros (Underwood 1987, 92-93). More important is the fact
that it was an English speaking country, the United States, that
directly controlled the economic growth of Guam for at least 50
years, and played a significant role in controlling the economy
thereafter. In 1977, Gerald S. A. Perez, President of the Guam
Chamber of Commerce stated that "the military and economic
strategies of the external metropolitan powers have historically
been responsible for Guam's economic growth" (2). ~The 1993
Quarterly Economic Review published in July by the Department of
Commerce of the Government of Guam reveals that the United States
offered the second largest number of visitors and tourists to
Guam  in 1993 (32), and that the largest number of imports also
came from the United States.  In addition, the third largest
number of exports went to the United States which gives an
indication of the continuing importance that this English
speaking country plays in the economic development of Guam.
     Societal bilingualism, a factor that must be present for
language shift to occur can also be demonstrated in Guam.  Carol
Odo's "Survey of Language Use and Attitudes in Guam" revealed
that out of her 220 informants, only the very old were
monolingual in Chamorro, and only the very young were
monolinguals in English (1972, 143).  Eighty-eight percent of her
informants reported themselves to be bilingual Chamorro-English. 
A 1980 survey conducted by the Government of Guam's Interagency
Committee on Population revealed similar results. In 1980, 32,034
people five years and older spoke Chamorro at home while 33,182
spoke English at home (156). This same study stated that in 1980,
only one in three persons spoke Chamorro on the island of Guam.  
     Finally, one of the most influential factors related to
language shift on the island of Guam was and continues to be the
prestige associated with the use of the English language. 
Throughout Guam's history as a territory, the English language,
its speakers and their culture have always been seen as superior
to that of the native language and traditions.  Monika Kehoe put
it aptly when she stated that "the public attitude toward English
language learning is so favorable as to be almost an obsession"
("English on Guam", 1973, 43). Although initially the use of
English was imposed upon the people of Guam, eventually, it was
they who chose to continue its use in almost all domains.  The
people of Guam had a desire to be identified as Americans in
every sense of the word, and chose the English language as the
ultimate symbol of this identity. 
     In the pre-war years, Chamorro was still used extensively
but the prestige associated with all related to the Americans was
already notable. One pre-war educator remarked "that the
Americans 'looked cleaner' and children were envious since
Americans never had to cut grass or plant corn" (in Underwood,
1987, 177). People began to notice that those who were successful
on Guam were Americans or those who most resembled Americans in
their way of living.  One had to become "un-Chamorro" in order to
be considered successful (Underwood, 1987, 177).
     "The young people saw themselves as being different from
previous generations and  their parents.  Young people under the
influence of schools, the military, Sears catalogues and
magazines adopted the notion of being 'in style'.  Chewing gum
instead of betel nut, smoking cigarettes instead of pipes,
munching on potato chips and wearing jeans and Hawaiian shirts
were all part of this youth reality" (Underwood, 1987, 242) 
     As part of the schools' attempts to Americanize the people
of Guam through the use of the English language, campaigns were
begun to encourage the use of the English language in the home.
Through these campaigns, the message was transmitted that success
was not possible without the English language, and subliminally
that the Chamorro language was all but useless. The resulting
image of English as the salvation of the Chamorro can be seen in
a newspaper article written in 1925 by Joaquin Torres, a Chamorro
principal of the Piti School:
     "Citizens and teachers especially who do not actually
improve their everyday English are really committing criminal
deeds to the public and especially to the future generations who
will have to face greater obstacles in meeting life's
necessities.  A person who is not well equipped with this subject
is always handicapped in all his undertakings.  As the boys and
girls of to-day (sic) will be the men and women of to-morrow
(sic), let us all HAVE OUR HEARTS AND SOULS TO TEACH AND SEE
(emphasis original) that the pupils speak English correctly at
schools, on the streets, and at their homes and cause them to
interest and teach their parents to learn and use this subject as
it helps them a great deal in their occupations, whatever they
might be, so that it would be used by all in a few years to
come..." (Guam Recorder vol. 3 (1).
     The results of a school system whose primary function was
the indoctrination of Chamorros in the "American way" began to
show as Chamorros, products of this system, rose to positions of
power with a decidedly un-Chamorro identity.  One such example
can be seen as Representative Antonio B. Salvo  declares  in 1926
that "The people of Guam have deeply embedded in their hearts,
love for the United States of America. America is their Mother
Country..." (Guam Recorder, Nov. 1926, 209).  After less than
thirty years of occupation, a people of Malayo-Polynesian descent
had come to identify themselves more with an imposed culture and
language than with their own, to the extent that they saw the
United States as a Motherland.
If before the second World War Chamorros were dedicated followers
of the American people and their ways, afterwards they became all
but obsessive.  The Americans saw those Chamorros who had
survived the Japanese occupation of the island as war heroes, and
the Chamorros, who were eternally grateful for the American
intervention and recapture of Guam, viewed the experience as a
symbol of fraternity between Guam and the United States
(Underwood, 1987, 90).  In 1950, as Guamanians strived to achieve
American citizenship, Speaker Antonio Won Pat stated at a U.S.
Congressional hearing on the Organic Act that:
     "We have been under your benevolent protection and tutelage
for 50 years.  We have learned your history, culture, customs and
traditions; we have adopted your language and assimilated your
ideals and way of life..." (Sanchez, 301).
     The assimilation of American culture on Guam continued and,
by 1956, Guam was receiving radio and television shows imported
from the United States.  The Chamorro language and way of life
were on the decline as the young people became more and more
American in "speech, manner and dress" (Carano and Sanchez, 1964,
9-10).  A 1967 National Education Report found that "the people
of Guam wish[ed] to be wholly and completely an organic part of
the United States--to be American....."(emphasis original) (NEA,
1967, 28 in Underwood 1987, 245).  The desire to be more American
and less Chamorro continued and was reflected in actions like
giving children American names such as Bobby and Jimmy rather
than the previously used Pedro and Vicente (Toppings, 1973, 46). 
Toppings continues to tell us that "what apparently is happening
in Guam...is that the Chamorro adults are turning their backs on
their own culture, considering it, with their language as being
somehow inherently inferior" (1973,45).  The low prestige
associated with the Chamorro language became even more evident in
1963, when school children's low IQ scores were attributed to the
continuing use of the Chamorro language in school and at home
(Underwood, 1987,234). Even pro-Chamorro advocates demonstrated
their lack of conviction as to the worth of the Chamorro language
and culture versus that of the United States. For example, Ms.
Agueda I. Johnston who after giving a message at the Chamorro
Studies Convention in 1977 congratulating the efforts made to
preserve the Chamorro language and culture, signed the message as
"Guamanian Chamorro by Birth but Patriotic American by Choice". 
Senator Katherine Aguon, one of the first to promote the teaching
of Chamorro in the schools of Guam, reveals the lack of
confidence in the usefulness of the Chamorro language as she
comments, 
     "I don't expect the Department of Education to teach
Chamorro so that students become fluent in reading, writing and
speaking of it.  I have to accept that English will carry us
through in any profession in any part of the world." (The Sunday
News, 1977, 2)
Even as late as 1987, after major efforts of reethnification had
begun to take place, Carole Odo's informants still believed that
it was English, and not Chamorro that would help their children
in school and in the future (145). 
 
Philippines

     When speaking of language shift in the Philippines, one has
to consider that there are at least eight major native languages
in the Philippines: Tagalog, Cebuano, Waray, Bicol, Ilonggo
(Hiligaynon), Ilocano, Pampango, and Pangasinan, and a number of
smaller language groups bringing the total number of vernaculars
to an estimated seventy (Arcelo, 1990).  In addition, Filipino,
the national language, is considered by some to be a new language
based on Tagalog but incorporating elements from the eight major
languages mentioned above while still others believe that
Filipino is in reality the Metro Manila dialect of Tagalog. 
Also, prior to the development and official status of Filipino,
Pilipino, a type of "school Tagalog" (Cruz, a nation searching
for) was propagated as the national language of the Philippines.
So when discussing the factors found in the history of the
Philippines that have created an environment favorable for a
shift toward a language other than the vernacular, one has to
consider the initial shift to English and a subsequent shift to
the national language, Pilipino, now known as Filipino. 
     The principle factors related to language shift on the
Philippines were and continue to be the government and school's
use of the language and the prestige associated with the language
or languages used by these institutions.  Societal bilingualism
was also found to exist in the archipelago, as well as a
continuing dependence on English for economic/industrial
purposes.
     Prior to United States' rule of the Philippines, the people
of these islands had very few opportunities for an education. 
The previous government, the Spaniards, were of the belief that
educating the masses was unwise and dangerous, and only a select
few were offered an education in Spanish.  The Americans, in
contrast, immediately opened schools to begin educating the
Filipinos in the only language considered fit for such a task:
English.  
     A very American style school system was established with
English as the medium of instruction and in 1902, 1,074 American
teachers were given to the task of educating the Filipino.  From
day one, the English language formed  and continues to form a
significant part of the Philippine Public School curriculum, as a
subject and as a medium of instruction, although sharing an
almost equal status with Filipino, the national language of the
Philippines.
     English has never been eliminated as a medium of instruction
in the school system, although in recent years its role as been
delimited to the areas of science, math and technology.  In 1974,
the Department of Education, adopting a bilingual education
program, delegated the teaching of social sciences to Pilipino
(the literary form of Tagalog); however, a 1985 evaluation of the
program found that there were many who continued to use English
to teach this subject (Gonzalez, The Great Shift, 1, 8).  Also,
private schools continued to use English as the medium of
instruction, delaying the introduction of Pilipino, teaching it
only as a subject (Smolicz, 104).  
     In 1990, English was still the primary language of
instruction in the Philippine schools (Sibayan and Gonzalez,
Teaching English, 279).  In the University of the Philippines
where a five year (1989-1994) time-table to use Pilipino as the
medium of instruction has been set (Gonzalez, the great shift 9),
English is still used in many courses. In a 1993 visit, the
Center for Filipino Languages of this university was still
greatly dissatisfied with the small number of Pilipino sections
in comparison with the English sections offered. In De La Salle
University, another principle institution of higher education
which has played a significant role in the development and
propagation of the national language, many courses are still
given in English, and the language heard spoken between students
while changing classes was English.   
     The government of the Philippines has also continued to use
English as its principle means of written and oral communication,
and have been the primary users of the language since its
incorporation in the government upon the arrival of the
Americans.  In fact, participation in the government was
dependent on the ability to use the English language.
     As early as 1916, the Jones Law required that those elected
to the Senate and House of Representatives be able to read and
write in either English or Spanish (Gonzalez, A. B. (1980). 
Language and nationalism: the
   Philippine experience thus far. Quezon City: Ateneo
   de Manila University Press.
¯Gonzalez, 1980, 30) In 1922, Tomas Confesor, a Representative
from Panay became the first Filipino member to use English to
address the House of Representatives.(Gonzalez, 1980, 30).  The
use of English for all formal speeches and presentations was
continuous well into the 1960's.  
     Even with the rise of nationalist movements and their cry
for a wider use of the national language instead of English in
the 1960's, English prevailed in the government.  In 1962,
Congressman Ragaciano M. Mercado presented a bill written in
Pilipino.  It was immediately referred to the secretary of the
House for translation into English at the request of speaker
Cornelio Villareal who claimed that he could not understand the
bill as presented. Congressman Mercado used both English and
Pilipino, code-switching between the languages in what is
commonly known as "mix-mix" in the Philippines (Gonzalez, 1980,
113).  Up until 1963, the Philippine National Anthem was sung in
English.  President Macapagal and later President Marcos often
used Pilipino for the initial salutation to their public and then
continued in English or code-switched throughout their speeches.
(Gonzalez, 1980, 113).
     In 1971, it was determined that the English version of the
Constitution would prevail for matters of interpretation until
the national language had been sufficiently developed (Fonacier,
147-148).  Further evidence of the use of English in the
government can be seen in the 1986 Constitutional Commission's
journal on the Deliberation on Language Policy which was recorded
in English. In addition, a prayer was offered in English prior to
this deliberation (Constitutional Commission..).  Arcelo (1990)
reported that deliberations in both houses of Congress are
generally held in English, and that the spokesperson for the
President almost always speaks in this language.  Arcelo also
indicated that speeches given by public officials are in
bilingual form, while Dr. Isagani Cruz, Director of the De La
Salle University Press and a proponent of the national language,
stated in a 1993 interview that in political speeches, the
principle language used is English with a little Pilipino. Dr.
Cruz also confirmed that all laws are written in English and that
court proceedings are also carried out in English.
     Societal bilingualism, another factor known to influence
language shift can be seen for both English and Pilipino in the
Philippines.  In fact, a 1970 survey by the Philippine Commission
stated that "...bilingualism in Pilipino and English is both a
fact of Philippine life today as well as a desirable condition in
the contemporary world" (170:16). At this time, the census totals
for 1970 showed that 55.2% of the population spoke
Pilipino/Tagalog and 44.7% English (Gonzalez and Batista, 59).
This trend continues as is demonstrated by the table from a 1979
survey on bilingualism in regions where use of Pilipino had
previously been limited (Bangalan, 1979 in Gonzalez and Batista,
61).

TABLE II

PERCENTAGES SHOWING FIRST LANGUAGE AND INDICATING BILINGUALISM

LANGUAGESDIALECT FIRST LEARNEDPERCENT SPEAKING EACH DIALECT
Tagalog26.7% 85.9%
Cebuano31.449.4
Waray (Samar-Leyte) 14.321.5
Bicol12.819.9
Ilonggo (Hiligaynon) 5.1 10.7
Ilocano4.69.6
Pampango1.3 4.6
Pangasinan1.22.4
English0.871.9
Spanish0.15.1
Chinese0.71.9
Muslim0.10.9
Others0.82.5
(Gonzalez and Batista, 1986, 61)

     "Mix-Mix", as the code-switching between English and
Tagalog/Pilipino is called, is mentioned by many authors in the
area of language in the Philippines.  Sibayan (1978) when
speaking of "mix-mix" predicts that this combination of languages
will become creolized and consequently learned as a first
language, and that it is already the language being learned in
English-speaking households (Gonzalez, Manila, 370).   Dr.
Isagani Cruz when speaking of the same phenomenon states:
     "In real life, Manila Tagalog is not so easily pigeon-holed. 
It is clearly not a pidgin of English of whatever variety,
because although code-switching occurs at various levels and on
various speech occasions, hardly any glimmer of the grammar and
sytax of English remains.  There are just too many words that do
not come from English, too many constructions that are
incomprehensible even if all the words were English, and too many
verb declensions that can be traced directly to Tagalog.  Manila
Tagalog is also clearly not simply a dialect of 'pure' Tagalog. 
There are just too many English words used here and there, not
only separately and individually, but in whole sentences and even
paragraphs" (Cruz, A nation searching for..., 1991, 18).
     Arcelo (1990) states that, the type of bilingualism that
occurs depends on the socioeconomic situation of the speakers,
whereas manual workers may use their vernacular and Pilipino and
high level occupations rely more on English.  In between these
levels, the vernacular, Pilipino and English may be used often
code-switching between them.  Arcelo concludes that " a Filipino
therefore is at least a bilingual person and at most a trilingual
person..." (Arcelo, 1990, 52). Rau (1992) also notes the
Tagalog-English bilingualism and the code-switching found in the
Philippines. 
     In the 1993 visit to the island, code-switching was also
observed, particularly in television and radio newscasts where
the announcers changed easily from one language to another,
speaking a few minutes in English then lapsing into Pilipino. 
The Pilipino heard was almost always sprinkled liberally with
English words, and in English language newspapers,
Tagalog/Pilipino quotations and phrases were included without the
benefit of translation. This seems to indicate that bilingualism
in the Philippines is predominant enough as not to need the
translation for either English or Pilipino.
     Other interrelated factors contributing to shift in the
Philippines are migration, industrialization and urbanization.
These factors have promoted a shift from the vernacular to both
Pilipino and English in many domains.  
     Initially, migration was not a contributing factor in the
spread of English.  In 1903, the Census listed only a .2% of the
population as whites, either Spanish or American.  In 1918, only
.06% of the population were Americans and in 1939, only .05%
(Gonzalez, 1980, 27). By 1945, even the school system had only 14
American teachers compared to the 46,996 Filipino teachers
(Sibayan and Gonzalez, Teaching, 274.
Although migration was not an important factor in the shift to
English, this element does appear to be related to the shift to
Pilipino or bilingualism in Pilipino and the vernacular when
coupled with the urbanization factor.  Gonzalez (nationalism,
103) states that the migration of non-Tagalog speakers such as
the Bisayans and the Mountain Province groups into urban areas
where Tagalog is the principle language spoken, and the migration
of Tagalogs into non-Tagalog areas is related to the increase in
the reported number of Pilipino/Tagalog speakers.
Industrialization is possibly one of the most important factors
as far as retaining the use of English in the archipelago.
Because none of the native languages of the Philippines can be
considered a language of wider communication, and the majority of
these languages and dialects do not have a written form, English
was chosen from early on as the language to be used in the areas
of industry, science and technology.  Even the now widely spread
national language of Pilipino finds it difficult to compete in
these areas. 
 Due to the emphasis on knowledge of English in these areas,
economic success at a personal and national level depended to a
great degree on the ability to speak and write this language.  In
1905, Atkinson reported that it was the English speaking
Filipinos who were receiving the highest salaries (in Fonacier,
42).   
     In 1934, English continued to be the language of business and
trade in the orient, and especially with the Americans who
controlled the majority of the commercial transactions of the
time.  This continued into the 1940's with the signing of the
Bell Trade Act in 1946, guaranteeing the Philippine's economic
dependence on the United States for years to come. A 1947
agreement further cemented the economic relations between the
Philippines and the United States by ceding land for U.S.
Military bases on the islands.  
     In the 1970's, even in the face of an increasing nationalist
sentiment, Filipinos continued to rely on the English language
and American industry as the only means to reach their economic
goals (San Juan, 1971). In 1989, Brother Andrew Gonzalez admits:
     "Loyalty to English is still extremely strong and it is
still seen as a means to social mobility. Let's face it, all the
material rewards are still offered to those who speak English. 
As long as that is the case, English will exist." (Scott, 1989:
45)
     Even as late as 1990, with the government pushing for a
wider use of Pilipino in all domains, Sibayan comments that "for
earning a living in the Philippines today, it is better to be
highly literate in English than to be literate in my native
tongue, Ilocano..." (Sibayan, Literate in What?:4). Although the
economy has since diversified to the  Orient and Asia, reliance
on the United States for economic development continues as can be
evidenced by President Ramos's 1993 visit to the U.S. to secure
inversions in the Philippines (El Nuevo D¡a, Nov. 25,
1993:65).
     The use English by the government, in the schools and for
economic advancement significantly affected the importance given
to the learning of this language by the Filipinos.  The prestige
associated with knowing English, and later Pilipino, as a
consequence of massive campaigns by the goverment, is another
factor known to promote a shift from the native language.  
     English quickly became the prestige language in the
Philippines as the Americans made it clear that any other
language would hinder progress.  In 1901, this can be seen as the
Civil Service Board announced that a person who had "no knowledge
of English would be of little service..." (Hayden, 1947 in
Gonzalez, nationalism, 28). The Filipinos found that the native
tongue was becoming less and less useful outside of the home and
community. In 1905, Atkinson wrote that although the native
languages would continue to be spoken, English would be "the
medium of modern current thought" (in Fonacier, 32).  It was, in
fact, the American educated Filipinos who were found in important
positions.  Jorge Bocobo, for example, was a lawyer who later
became president of the University of the Philippines. Other such
examples can be found in Francisco Benitez who became the Head of
the Education Department in this same university, and  Camilo
Asias, who was the first Filipino superintendent of schools
(Fonacier, 39).
     Although English was sold as the great "equalizer" (Sibayan,
Filipinos and English, 3), presumably providing through it a
better life for rich and poor, it soon became the dividing line
between the "haves" and "have-nots" (Fonacier, 39).  Those who
mastered the language, finished school and found their way to
economic and professional success; those who did not finish
school, could not master the language, found that doors to high
paying professions were closed.   This, coupled with the
indoctrination campaigns carried on in the schools had created by
the 1960's a people who believed that the only way to achieve the
status enjoyed by the Americans was to become as much like these
people as possible, thus giving way to a general acceptance of
the American culture (Constantino, 1962: 5).  Such was the
acceptance that Constantino, in his essay "The mis-education of
the Filipino" relates that the "Filipinos believe that they
cannot survive without America, so in education we believe no
education can be a true education unless it is based on
proficiency in English" (12). By 1945, the educated Filipino
writers were writing more in English than any of the vernaculars
(Yabes, Building, 347).
      Such was the acceptance and prestige level of the Americans
and their language that Manuel R. Roxas, first elected president
of the Philippines described his country as a "child of freedom"
and the "daughter land of America" (Gonzalez, 1980, 98).  English
retained its prestige over the native languages well into the
1960's illustrated by the results of a 1960 survey among 5000
college students who said that they would rather read English
translations of Filipino writers and that one of their preferred
subjects was English (Board of National Education, 1962: 13-15 in
Fonacier 126-27).  Even in the government, English was defended
by some as more fitting as a national language than Tagalog
(Gonzalez, 1980, 121)
     The movement to promote the use of the national language,
which most considered to be Tagalog even if called by other
names, gained momentum during the 1960's.  Many of its proponents
thought that this language would be a more fitting choice as
medium of instruction in the schools; however, the prestige that
English enjoyed was difficult to combat.  A 1968 survey by the
Committee on curriculum of the Board of National Education
revealed that 2,379 householders and 2,342 teachers from all over
the country still preferred English as the medium of instruction. 
This survey also revealed that success in a high prestige
profession and economic success were associated with English, and
that the national language was associated with good citizenship
but not with economic success.  A later study (Otanes and
Sibayan, 1969) revealed similar results.  The reasons given for
wanting to learn English included to show they had a good
education, to get a good job and to maintain dignity and
self-respect while the reasons given for learning Pilipino were
to be patriotic and understand their heritage better.
     As the movement to encourage the spread of Pilipino grew,
the prestige associated with this language also increased, but at
the same time the languages spoken in non-Tagalog were seen as
somehow less important than the Tagalog based Pilipino.  Gonzalez
relates that
"...in the eyes of the non-Tagalogs, Tagalog has been preferred
over Bisayan and other languages and in this choice had given
Tagalogs a decided advantage over the non-Tagalogs.  For some,
this was tantamount to making non-Tagalogs second class citizens
in their own country." (Gonzalez, 1980, 135)
The Tagalog based national language had gained an almost equal
footing with English, but the many other native languages of the
Philippines had now taken third place in the eyes of the
government and schools. 
     Pilipino had gained such prestige that it was no longer
fashionable to speak good English (Sibayan, Use and Attitudes,
124); however English was still considered the most useful
language as far as modernization and progress was concerned. 
Even President Marcos, who supported the national language
movement and often used Pilipino in his speeches said that
"Pilipino was not practical enough to be the sole language of the
Philippines" (Surian ng Wikang Pambesa, 1975:41 in Fonacier,
160).
     In the late 1970's, several surveys revealed the continuing
status of English as the language needed for professional
success.  In as study done in Surigao del Sur (Mendoza, 1978)
where Cebuano is the native language, English was considered the
language of professionals and high paying jobs while Cebuano was
associated with those jobs involving manual labor (in Gonzalez
and Batista, 39). In other studies carried out in Metro Manila
(Sibayan, 1978; Sibayan and Segovia, 1979), informants disclosed
that they felt bilingualism in English and Pilipino was the key
to economic success followed by monolingualism in English (in
Gonzalez and Batista, 40).  Still another 1979 study by Cruz,
carried out in the area of Manuguit found that people with little
education felt that English was the means to reach a higher
economic status (in Gonzalez and Batista, 41).  
     The socioeconomic level associated with English speakers is
so prevalent that even advertisers have picked up on it.  If the
target population is of a lower economic class, Pilipino is used
whereas if the target is the more affluent sector, English is
used.  For example, a locally manufactured gin, Ginebra San
Miguel uses an all Filipino cast speaking Pilipino, but Duncan's
London Dry Gin, normally consumed by people from the higher
economic strata uses the English language with an all Caucasian
cast for its television commercial (Dewan, 1983 in Sibayan,
Filipinos and English, 3).
     There can be no doubt that Pilipino, the Filipino national
language has gained ground in recent years and has even become
fashionable in high society; however, English still appears to be
the language associated with high prestige professions in the
Philippines.  As late as 1990, Tejero claims that the Filipinos
"take inordinate pride in claiming that we are the third largest
English-speaking nation on earth, and Sibayan (Literate in
what,4) tells us in 1991, "for earning a living in the
Philippines today, it is better to be highly literate in English
that to be literate in my native language.."  In a capitalist
society, prestige and economic success are interrelated, and in
the Philippines, the language of prestige continues to be English
or at the least bilingualism in English and Pilipino.

Puerto Rico

   In Puerto Rico, only one factor related to language shift has
been continually present since the arrival of the United States
troops in 1898 which is that of industrialization or economic
ties.  All other factors were not present or only present for a
limited period of time.  It is also important to note that
resistance to attempts to spread English to any significant
degree on the Island has been present from the beginning.
     Initially, the government used English as its means of
communication principally because the U.S. military personnel
designated to govern the Island did not speak Spanish.  One of
the first orders by this government, in fact, was to declare
English the official language of the U.S. Provisional Court and
all U.S. agencies with General Order 880 signed on June 27, 1899. 
The Foraker Law (Law 30) of 1900 however, did permit Spanish
speakers to become delegates inthe government. 
     The 1900 Penal Code established English as the language of
prevelance in case of disputes or controversies in the courts of
Puerto Rico. However, by 1930 this code had changed eliminating
English as the prevailing language except in those cases where it
had been used as the original language of the text in dispute
(Civil Code T.31 ss13).
     Even with English as the official language of Puerto Rico,
Spanish never lost its official status or value in the judicial
system as can be seen in the Weights and Measures Law (T.23
ss906) which has always required that the rules be submitted in
Spanish as well as in English.  A 1973 law (T.5 ss557) further
demonstrates the dominance of Spanish in the legal system.  This
law requires that all food labels provide information always in
Spanish and optionally in English.  A 1980 law (Law 30), however,
allows documents from the property register to be submitted in
either English or Spanish.
     Although Spanish has retained its importance as the language
of the government, English has also retained its official status. 
Established as an official language of the Puerto Rican
government along side Spanish in 1902, by 1952 it had been
included in the Constitution of Puerto Rico.
     In 1990, an attempt to remove English as an official
language was met with a great deal of resistance.  Although Bill
417 was eventually passed, its proponents lost the following
election and the law was promptly overturned by the newly elected
government.
     The reality of English use in the government came to light
during the many debates that followed the presentation of Bill
417.  Spanish is and has continued to be the language of use in
all branches of the government with the exception of the Federal
Court of Puerto Rico where all proceedings are carried out in
English.  Spanish is the language used by the government to
communicate with its people, the language of debate in
legislature, and the language in which laws are written.  With
the only use of English being to communicate with the United
States, its official status is in reality only a symbol of Puerto
Rico's affiliation with this country and does not appear to
function as an official language per se.
     The use of English in the public school system of Puerto
Rico was perhaps the most debated issue related to this language. 
Established as the medium of instruction of the schools soon
after the arrival of the military government, much resistance was
encountered from all sectors of the population.  Possibly as a
consequence of this opposition, the curriculum was modified many
times, sometimes giving English a greater role, sometimes less. 
Teachers who were fluent enough in the English language to be
able to use it as a medium of instruction were difficult to find,
and often teachers resorted to using Spanish even at the risk of
being dismissed because of it. 
     After many attempts to incorporate English as the medium of
instruction to varying degrees, meeting a great deal of
resistance, in 1949, Spanish was finally established as the
medium of instruction at all levels (Mu¤oz Mar¡n, Circular letter
no. 10, August 6, 1949).  However, it wasn't until 1990 that this
measure was enacted into law with Organic Law #68 establishing
legally that Spanish is the medium of instruction and that
English be taught as a second language at all levels (Chapter 1,
article 1.02).
     At present, this policy continues in vigor with English
being taught as a second language approximately fifty minutes a
day and Spanish as the medium of instruction in public schools
and Univerities across the Island.
     Migration and often the subsequent societal bilingualism
associated with the contact with speakers of other languages is
also absent from Puerto Rico's history.  There doesn't appear to
have been any significant migration of English speakers to the
Island during the early years of the military occupation as
indicated by census data from the years 1910 to 1930 where the
highest percentage of English speakers, including Puerto Ricans
never surpassed 20% of the population (Census Bureau, 1960).  And
in more recent years, the numbers of non-Spanish speakers who
speak English fluently was reported as .3% in the 1980 Census and
.4% in the 1990 census (Bureau of Census, 1980, 1990). In more
recent years, the highest percentage of English speakers reported
on the Island from 1910 to 1990 was the 1970 Census which
reported 43% of the population being able to speak English. 
However, these numbers included Spanish speakers as well as
non-Spanish speakers who spoke English.  The distinction between
Spanish speakers and non-Spanish speakers in the collection of
census data on the Island was not incorporated until 1980. There
does not exist any evidence suggesting to that there was a large
migration of English speakers, so that it can be presumed that
the data collected was, in the majority, from native speakers of
Spanish.
     The 1970 Census has also been the only indication that any
societal bilingualism may have existed on the Island.  Prior to
that date, the largest percentage of  persons reporting the
ability to speak English was a 37.7% in 1960.  This may have been
a trend associated with the return of many Puerto Ricans who
migrated to the United States in earlier years.  The 1990 census,
however, reflects the general pattern of English speakers on the
Island throughout the Island's history with only a scant 24% of
the Spanish speaking population reporting the ability to speak
English easily, and 76% reporting that they were unable to speak
English or spoke it with difficulty (Bureau of Census, 1990).
     Urbanization is often a factor associated with language
shift because it is in these urban areas that natives come in
contact with speakers of the other language.  However, in the
case of Puerto Rico there was no large movement of the population
to urban areas during the early years of the United States
occupation with a 1930 census reporting only a 30% of the
population living in urban areas.  In addition, although the
majority of the English speaking elite may have been found in
urbanized areas, it was also the area where most activity
associated with the Spanish speaking elite was found.
     Perhaps one of the most influential factors in Puerto Rico
in relation to the spread of English on the island has been it's
economic interdependency with the United States.  With the
signing of the Foraker Act in 1900, Puerto Rico was prohibited to
establish trade relations with any country other than the United
States and all merchandise that entered or left or entered the
Island had to be transported on United States ships (Dietz, 1989,
106)
     The following table shows the increase in exports and
imports to and from the United States as a result of the
exclusive economic pact included in the Foraker Act.

EXPORTS AND IMPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES

% Exports% Imports
190165.078.1
190583.684.5
191084.688.5
191585.791.3
192088.394.1
192589.087.7
19305.587.1
193597.490.9
193998.091.5
(Dietz, 1989, 137, 176)

     The prestige associated with English although existing has
not diminished the pride and prestige associated with the Spanish
language in Puerto Rico.  The prestige associated with the
English language appears to be principally related to the
economic success available through knowledge of the same. Spanish
on the other hand, is associated with the culture and the many
great Puerto Rican and Hispanic writers, politicians, and
scholars.  Also, because it is a language of wider communication,
its usefulness in a modern society is all but guaranteed.
     Even in the early years of U.S. occupation, when the efforts
to make English the language of Puerto Ricans through the public
school system, opposition was immediate, defending Spanish as a
language just as worthy or more so than English for educating the
Puerto Ricans.  Mu¤oz Rivera, a prominent politician and writer
of the time wrote in 1908,
"Puerto Rico doesn't owe the United States for its birth,
its language its culture or its riches... in a word, it doesn't
owe them its life (Campa¤as pol¡ticas "La capacidad del pais" p.
181)
By the 1930's, the resistance towhat was perceived as an
attempt to replace the Spanish language with English had
intensified. Fern ndez Vanga, a major opponent of the policy of
using English as the medium of instruction in the schools called
ithe school curriculum a "horror" which attempted to diminish the
value of the Spanish language in the eyes of Puerto Rican
children (El horror de la escuela, 74). He sought in his many
writings to reaffirm the value and prestige of the Spanish
language.
"This language of ours is not our official language or our
national language or our business language or our adopted
language or second or substitute language.  It is none of that;
it is simply our vital language and simpler still or language,
period. It is the language in which diego made verse, Brau made
history, Baldorioty made men and Mu¤oz Rivera made mother
country, the language in which Matienzo and Corchada were
orators, Esteves and Gautier poets, Acosta, Hostos, Nazario,
Tapia, Stahl and Betances were teachers, apostles and
philosophers...(Fern ndez Vanga, Nuestra Lengua Maternal, 95,
1931)
High prestige professions were also occupied by Spanish
speakers which in turn helped to retain the prestige associated
with the language (Rodriguez Castro, 76).  There were renowned
politicians ans writers such as Jos‚ de Diego , Luis Llorens
Torres, Lola Rodr¡guez de T¡o and Eugenio Mar¡a de Hostos who not
only made up the first group of dissenters of the newly
established colonial government, but also provided examples of
Spanish speakers in positions of power and prestige.
     Even as the importance of English was promoted by some
Puerto Ricans such as Jos‚ Celso Barbosa (orientando el pueblo,
1939, 53), and Pedro Salinas (Aprecio y defensa, p 45, 1970), as
the language of fine literature and culture, and necesary to
forge a permanent association with the United States; Puerto
Rican nationality was never undermined.  In fact in the 1960's,
Luis E. Ferre, a major proponent of statehood developed the
concept of "jibaro" statehood which emphasized the retention of
Puerto Rican ethnocultural characteristics even under a statehood
status. The prestige of Spanish in the Puerto Rican society is
such that even after more than 90 years of close association with
the United States, in survery commissioned by the Ateneo of
Puerto Rico, 93% of the informants affirmed that they would never
renounce the Spanish language.

Has English been incorporated as the language of use in
societal institutions other than the school?

Guam

     The English language became the language of the schools and
of the government almost immediately after the establishment of
U.S. military rule on Guam, but it wasn't until much later that
this language began to infiltrate other societal institutions. 
Before the onset of the Second World War, Chamorro continued to
be the language used at home and in intimate speech (Underwood,
1987).  However, as the products of the all English schools began
to have children of their own, English began to take its place in
the home.  Monika Kehoe relates in her 1973 article "English on
Guam" (Guam Recorder v3, n1 n.s., 42)) that
 "Guamanians have continued to speak Chamorro as a mother tongue until seven or eight
 years ago when the younger parents,who were themselves post war babies seem to have decided that
they would rear their children in what they saw as the language of the future."
   Carol Odo (1972, 143) also reported that although Chamorro
was the preferred language in social gatherings, when speaking to
children, English was used.  In fact, in 1973, Kehoe stated that
very few children entering the schools knew or desired to use
Chamorro at home or while playing with other children (Kehoe,
1973). 
     Even with the onset of English in other societal
institutions, the use of Chamorro in the Church continued until
as late as the 1980's.  The Catholic Church had always been the
bastion of the Chamorro language. The Jesuit priests that came
with the Spaniards began to use Chamorro to teach catechism and
were fundamental in the creation of a written form of the
language.  This practice continued until after WWII when the only
institutional support for the Chamorro language began to decline
(Underwood, 1987, 364). In the 1980's, Underwood reported that
some prayer leaders had begun to say the rosary in English in
order to be understood by the younger people. 
     Another domain in which the English language prevails is
that of the mass media.  At present, all of the newspapers, radio
stations and television programs are offered in English.  The
only use of Chamorro in mass media consists of a half hour radio
program and a Chamorro comic strip which appears along side
"Fino' Chamorro", a language lesson in The Daily News
newspaper (Spencer, 318).  
     The workplace is another area where English is chosen as the
language of communication.  It would almost have to be
considering the enormous amount of influence that the United
States continues to have in the economic development of Guam. 
One of the largest importers to Guam is the United States.
Tourism on Guam is also fomented by the large number of visitors
from the U.S.; however, English is also used to communicate with
the large number of tourists from other non-Chamorro speaking
countries.  In addition, the young adults who are entering the
workforce have been prepared in schools and colleges on Guam 
where the language of instruction is English.
     English has indeed found its way into most of the societal
institutions of Guam.  It is used by the government in all but
token correspondences in Chamorro, for drafting its laws and
communicating with its people.  It has been used continually as
the medium of instruction in the schools since 1898 and is used
similarly in the University of Guam and Guam Community College.
The mass media reaches its public in their homes through the
English language and many parents have chosen to raise their
children using this language instead of the native Chamorro.  The
Church, once the only existing defender of Chamorro, has in
recent years also opted for English as the means for
communicating with a population whose understanding of Chamorro
has diminished.  And finally, the continuing dependence on the
English language for economic purposes has allowed the language
to supersede the Chamorro language in the workplace as well.  The
English language is used in the schools and universities, by the
government, by the Church, in the workplace, and although to a
lesser degree, at home.  It is only in this last domain where the
Chamorro language has survived, spoken now only by or to the
older generations.

Philippines

     In the Philippines, the spread of English to domains other
than the school is most evident in the government and
legislature, while the vernaculars have been maintained as the
language of the home and community.  The mass media also uses
English but is moving more and more towards the use of the
national language.
     One of the principle reasons given for maintaining English
in the school system as early as 1904 was that there were no
books or written materials available in native languages that
could be used as textbooks. From 1898 to 1935 there were several,
sometimes short-lived, newspapers published in the different
vernaculars, most in Tagalog but also in Kapampangan, Cebuano,
Hiligaynon, Ilokano and Waray.  Also, several multilingual
newspapers were produced during this period:
Spanish-English-Bisayan, English-Ilongo, English-maranao,
Spanish-Ilokano, Spanish-Tagalog, Spanish-English-Tagalog and
Spanish-Tagalog-English-Bisayan (Gonzalez, 1980, 34) In 1979,
books and newspapers were predominantly English followed by
Tagalog. Comic books and magazines were published in Tagalog
(Bautista, 1979 in Rau, 92). In 1983, English and Pilipino were
used in television commercials, depending on the public for which
the product was intended. In the 1990's, magazines and newspapers
were still mainly being published in English, while radio and
television shows were bilingual.  With the exception of English
newscasts, Filipinos preferred the Pilipino programs (Arcelo, The
Role, 54. Movies in Pilipino are produced locally, but imported
American made movies are also popular. In 1993, TV reporters were
observed code switching between English and Pilipino or
frequently borrowing words from English.  Official announcements,
names of organizations and charities and even the local lottery
were all carried out in English.  Advertisements in the
newspaper, the Philippine Star were bilingual or in
Pilipino.  
     Aside from the use of English in mass media, it was also
found in other important domains. In 1911, English became the
official language of the courts (Gonzalez, 1980, 31), and by the
1920's, English had become the dominant language in the courts,
the legislature, international relations, business and industry
but the native language continued to prevail in the home and
community (Sibayan, Filipino and English, 2). Sibayan (1991)
tells us:
     To become a professional - engineer, doctor, lawyer,
architect, nurse, computer expert, etc. one must learn English. 
To work for the government, Filipino even at the lowest levels,
is not enough.  The main requirement is English....At present
and, I am afraid for a long time to come, the language dictated
or required in the controlling domains of language, the domains
of work and the intellectual life of progress int he Philippines
is English. (Sibayan, Planning Agenda, 9)
     It appears that although the Filipinos have begun to use the
national language for nationalist or at least patriotic reasons,
the English language still predominates the domains of commerce,
government, the courts and the mass media.

Puerto Rico

     When the U.S. forces arrived to occupy  Puerto Rico and take
over the governing of the island, Spanish was the language of use 
in all domains, including the church, home and mass media. 
Attempts to spread English into these domains were not successful
and Spanish retained its role as dominant language in these
domains.
     Several Spanish language newspapers were already in
existence upon the arrival of the Americans to Puerto Rico.  This
was due to the highly literate group of Puerto Rican writers who
in addition to actively participating in the political and
literary circles of the time, also worked as reporters and
regular contributers to newspapers such as La
Democracia, La Correspondencia, and El
Territorio.
     Most attempts to use the English language in the mass media
of the time consisted of English pages in Spanish newspapers
(Padilla, SJS, March 18, 1994, 31). However, some attempts at
producing English language newspapers include The New
Sun, The Porto Rico Mail and The San Juan
News in 1898, and the Porto Rico Progress in 1910.  A few
bilingual newspapers also existed including El
Tiempo in 1907 and Self Help in 1909 
(Pedreira, ----). Currently, only one English language newspaper
exists, The San Juan Star, in its thirty-sixth year
of publication with a circulation of 55,000 (Classified
department, March 23, 1995). This represents a rather small
percentage of the population considering that one of the leading
Spanish language newspapers El Nuevo Dia has a daily
circulation of approximately 243,692 (Circulation department,
March 23, 1995) and another popular newspaper, El
Vocero has a circulation of 227,868 (Circulation
department, March 23, 1995).
     In other media, there are only two radio stations with
programming in English although many stations play American
music, and transmission of English language programs on
television is available through cable television in many parts of
the Island.
     Spanish has also continued to be the language of the
workplace for the majority of the Puerto Ricans in spite of the
close economic ties that the island has with the United States.
In a 1992 survey commissioned by the Ateneo of Puerto Rico, only
11% of the informants reported that they used English frequently
on the job (San Juan Star, Jan. 10, 1993, 8).  The 1990 Census
data also reported that a small percentage, 24% of the
population, could speak English easily which seems to indicate
that there is not a lot of English being spoken in the workplace
or elsewhere in Puerto Rico.
     Spanish is the language most often heard and used in all
domains on the Island.  It is the language heard on the street,
in shopping malls, banks and the language used for street signs.
The churches offer services primarily in Spanish, announcing
special services in English. This also occurs in organizations
such as Alcoholics Anonymous and Al-Teen Anon who announce the
English language meetings usually in the San Juan
Star. Spanish is for all practical and personal purposes,
the language of Puerto Rico.

Has the native language been maintained or has there been a
shift to English?

Guam

    The shift to English in the majority of the domains on
Guam is evident; however, it was a long process that began with
the incorporation of the language in the schools and government.
Even with the imposition of English in the schools, and massive
campaigns to promote the use of this language, it wasn't until
well after the Second World War that the shift into other
societal institutions was seen. 
     Reports as to the success of attempts to create English
speaking Guamanians are often contradictory.  While some
governors and school heads reported great success in the early
years of military occupation, others criticized the lack of
progress in this area.  For example, while Governor Sewell, in
1904, reported that he could find people singing songs in English
all over town (Gov. Report), in 1908, just four years later,
Governor Dorn reported that progress in learning the English
language had not been satisfactory and that "It [was] a very rare
exception to meet a child on the street from whom an intelligible
answer in English [could] be obtained..." (Governor's Annual
Report, p.8). However, in 1909, the government again reported
progress, stating that many children could answer simple
questions in "our national tongue"(Governors Report, 1909, 8). 
Although the government continued to report progress in the use
of the English language in the schools, in 1929, Commander W.R.
Hale's Report for the Department of Education stated that
Chamorro continued to be the language used at home by the
majority.  Laura Thompson (1942) revealed that in 1930, most
people over the age of 35 were not able to speak, read or write
the English language (188-89), and in 1932, only one percent of
the people were using English at home and 10 to 15% at work
(Guam Recorder, December, 1932).  The contradictions
continue as evidenced by the information included in a petition
for U.S. Citizenship sent to President Roosevelt in 1933 which
claimed that English was the mother tongue of the natives of Guam
(Underwood, 1987; Sanchez, 1987), while in that same year, Gov.
George Alexander stated that after 36 years, English was not in
general use on the island (Governors Annual Report, 1933).  
     In the 1940's and 1950's, the Chamorro language was still in
use and is reported to have been heard frequently in PTA
meetings, but by 1940, the literacy rate in English was 84.4% and
it was reported that for all practical effects, Guamanians spoke
English (Tanshill, 1951).  The confusion continues when
confronted with Naval Reports of the 1950's that contradict the
information given in the 1940's and cite English as a continuing
problem on the island.  The use of English on Guam is also
reported as a problem on the island in a 1961 report by Hockett. 
Although the learning of English had been reported by many as a
serious problem in Guam, Governor Guerrero, in 1967, declared
that "English [was] the first (emphasis
original)--and not the second--language on Guam" (NEA, 1967, 15).
      By the 1970's, the Chamorro language is consistently
reported as on the decline by several researchers.  In 1972,
Carol Odo carried out a survey of 220 informants' use of language
in Guam.  She reported that only six percent of the informants
were monolingual Chamorro (143) and six percent monolingual
English.  The majority of the informants reported themselves as
bilingual Chamorro-English. Monika Kehoe reported similar
perception of the language situation on Guam in an article titled
"English on Guam" (1973).  She stated that "few Guamanian
children presently entering kindergarten even understand
Chamorro, fewer still use it by preference, either at home or in
play" (43).  Dr. Donald Topping claimed in a 1973 article that
the Chamorro language was finally succumbing to the 300 years of
pressures from the outside and predicted the death of the
language in another two generations (Guam Recorder,
v3, n1). 
     In 1988, The Interagency Committee on Population of Guam
published a report titled Guam's Continuing Heritage.
This report which included census data was the first government
funded research project to analyze the use of the Chamorro
language on Guam.  It found that in 1980, less than one percent
of the population of Guam spoke no English at all, but that only
23% spoke English at home (155).  These numbers, however,
included the growing number of non-Chamorro speakers residing on
the island at the time.  In reality, only 32,034 people reported
speaking Chamorro at home in contrast to 33,182 who reported
speaking English in their homes (156).  This report concluded
that only about one in three people on the island of Guam spoke
Chamorro in 1980.  In this same year, the Institute of Chamorro
Culture and Language declared that "the Chamorro language and
culture is in a precarious state at this time and in need of
institutional support ("A Concept Paper, p. 1).
     Federal funding was acquired and agencies were set up by the
government of Guam with the purpose of reviving and defending the
Chamorro language but in 1991, a manual, The Chamorro
child: a teacher's resource was published to help teachers
work with children of Chamorro origin.  In this book, among the
"general reminders for working with Chamorro children", the
author states that "many Chamorro children do not read or write
in the Chamorro language" and that many students have American
values, attitudes and beliefs (Huffer-Tacheliol, 6-7).  This
indicates that although the language still exists, it continues
to be in a threatened state. In a recent visit to Guam in the
summer of 1993, the language that was heard among teenagers on
the street, between children and parents, at the banks, in
conversations amongst themselves in post offices and restaurants,
and among students in the university was English.  

Philippines.

     In the Philippines there appears to have been a shift to
English in almost all domains except the home, community and, in
general, informal environments. This shift was most evident from
1900 to the early 1960's where the use of Pilipino/Tagalog begins
to share equal footing with English as a prestige language.  The
native languages continue to be used in intimate speech,
restricted, with the exception of Tagalog, to the home and
immediate community for the most part.
     The first evidence of the shift to English in the
Philippines can be seen in 1904 when the Philippine Commission
reported that English was already spoken more than Spanish
(Philippine Commission: 674-675 in Fonacier, 41).  In 1905, F.
Atkinson, in The Philippines Islands wrote that
"English was spoken to some degree by at least a few in every
part of the country" (in Fonacier, 41), and the 1918 Census
showed that 26% of the total population could read and write in
English (in Fonacier, 42 and Gonzalez, Nationalism, 27).
     In 1919, several Filipinos, educated in the public schools
of the Philippines, stood before the United States Congress and
petioned for independence in "impeccable" English (Fonacier, 45). 
The annual report for this same year stated, "English is the
language most widely spoken in the Philippines...the younger
generation has thorough knowledge of the language and speaks and
writes it..." (20th Annual Report: 1918, 14 in Fonacier, 45). 
     A 1925 survey equated Filipino ability to comprehend spoken
English with those of children of the same age in the United
States (Monroe Survey, 181 in Fonacier, 48).  By 1927, the
results of the school system where the sole language of
instruction was English can be seen in the publication of
Philippine Prose and Poetry.  This collection of
short stories, essays and poems was written in English by
Filipinos, the majority graduates from the University of the
Philippines. 
     It was common to hear politicians use English to communicate
with the masses in the 1930's; however, it appears that it was
still an elite group that used this language proficiently.  Even
as President Quezon used the English language to announce the
development of a national language (Gonzalez, 1980, 71), the 1939
Census still showed that only 26% of the population could speak
English, the same figures reported in the 1918 Census. 
Apparently, the Filipinos understood more of the language than
they spoke it for the government leaders of the time continued to
use English as the means to communicate with the public.  In
1943, Jose Laurel gave his inaugural address in English, even
though the principle objective of his speech was to encourage the
use of Tagalog at home and in the schools (Gonzalez, 1980, 85). 
From 1946 to 1960, it was not uncommon for politicians to use the
English language in their formal speeches (Gonzalez, 1980, 99). 
The Philippine national anthem was sung in English until 1963
(Gonzalez, 1980, 99) and the 1960 Census noted that 40% of the
population spoke English.  The Philippines was considered the
third largest English speaking country in the world (Arcelo, The
Role, 51)  
     The Bureau of Education carried out several literacy surveys
during the 1960's.  In a survey on the ability to write
satisfactory letters carried out in non-Tagalog areas in 1961,
42.36% of the fifth graders and 58.21% of the sixth graders were
able to perform this task in English (Fonacier, 120).  In 1962,
the literacy rate in English was around 29% in fourth grade
students, but in 1963, sixth graders had a literacy rate of 65%.
Fourth graders in 1964 had a literacy rate of 34% (Bureau of Ed
Schools Bulletin no. 17, 1963 in Fonacier, 120).
     In the mid 1960's, nationalist groups pushing for the use of
the national language, Pilipino/Tagalog, were in their heyday. 
Pilipino seemed to be replacing English as the lingua franca in
non Tagalog areas, and was being learned by many as a result of
its incorporation in the school curriculum (Sibayan, Filipinos
and English, 2).  The same studies on literacy and letter writing
ability carried out by the Bureau of Education revealed that
Pilipino was on equal standing with English.  Literacy in
Pilipino was at 37% among fourth graders in 1962, 74% among sixth
graders in 1963 and 43% among fourth graders in 1964. 
Fifty-eight percent of the sixth graders participating in the
letter writing survey were able to complete the task in Pilipino
(in Fonacier, 119-120).
     During this period of nationalist activism, handouts and
flyers with anti-imperialism, anti feudalism, anti fascism themes
were initially distributed in English, but by the 1970's Pilipino
was the language used by these groups (Gonzalez, 1980, 129).  In
the late 1960's, the University of the Philippines had begun to
experiment with classes taught in Pilipino (E. Constantino,
1974:59 and S. Lopez 1974:57-58), but by 1971, there were forty
sections in physics being taught in Pilipino (Gonzalez, 1980,
131).
     The Department of Education prescribed that diplomas be
printed in Pilipino in 1971, and several college newspapers from
the Manila area were producing newspapers partially or totally in
Pilipino; however, outside the Manila area, English was used.
     The 1970 Census showed that 55.2% of the 36,684,486 people
of the Philippines were able to speak Tagalog based Pilipino
while 44.7% were able to speak English (Gonzalez and Batista,59).
By 1973, surveys showed that 85.9% of the population reported
being bilingual in Tagalog and another language while 71%
reported being bilingual in English and another language
(Bulatao, 1974:8 in Gonzalez and Batista, 61). By 1980, 62.6% of
the population was bilingual in Pilipino and English with 64.5%
reported as speakers of English and 77% as speakers of Pilipino
(National Census and Statistics Office, 1980 in Gonzalez and
Batista, 59). 
     Although the surveys and census data from 1970 to 1980
showed a large number of people who reported the ability to speak
Pilipino, English or both, the schools and university's began to
complain about the poor English skills  of their students in the
1980's.  There was a reported deterioration of English skills
among students entering the universities (Manhit, 1980-81 in
Smolicz, 103), and the results of the national College Entrance
Examinations showed that students could neither write, speak nor
read well in either Pilipino or English (Sibayan, Filipinos and
English, 4). In 1992, Jose P. Laurel, Jr. wrote that there was a
"nationwide decline in the command of written and oral English
for college freshman and law students" (Fookien Times Philippines
Yearbook, 182-83), and Brother Andrew Gonzalez relates that
"English is ceding domains to Filipino not by design but by
sociolinguistic realities..." (Prospective Issues, 59).
     Filipino seems to be gaining ground over English in the
Philippines, but one must consider that this language, although
many from the University of the Philippines deny it, is based on
Tagalog and that close to 70% of the population in 1980 did not
use this language in their homes (National Census and Statistics
Bureau in Gonzalez and Batista, 56). Even less, about .07% , use
English at home, so although there appears to have been a shift
to Pilipino and English in other domains, the vernaculars have
continued to be the language of home and intimate speech. 
     David Barrows, the Director of Education in 1904, recognized
the staying ability form the beginning as he reported, "The
Filipino adheres to his native dialect in its purity...These
languages are not destined to disappear or to fuse....
(Philippine Commission, 1904:700 in Fonacier, 31). In 1919,
English was reported as the lingua franca of the islands but the
vernacular was still spoken (20th Annual Report: 14 in Fonacier,
46).  In 1924, Najib Saleeby wrote that more people spoke English
than Spanish but that the great majority of the people continued
to speak their mother tongue (in Constantino, 14).  Fonacier
reports that during the 1930's, the majority of the Filipinos had
not mastered the English language, and that even educated
Filipinos, who knew and used English well, still used the
vernacular at home (71).  The 1964 survey report by the Bureau of
Public Schools showed that 50.89% of the fourth graders were
literate in their vernacular (Fonacier 119). 
     Several surveys (Barcelona, 1977 and 1981, Caballero, 1983,
De La Rosa 1976, Dumaran, 1980, and Olonan, 1978) showed that the
vernacular was used for  spontaneous speech expressing fear,
anger and surprise (in Gonzalez and Batista, 14).  Gonzalez and
Batista, (1985) concluded after analyzing language surveys from
1956 to 1984 that the use of the vernacular at home and the
regional lingua franca in the community was "stable and
unchanging" (109); however, as Smolicz (1989) points out,
literacy is not being developed in the mother tongue (103), with
the possible exception of Tagalog as the basis of the national
language.

Puerto Rico

     Even after almost 100 years of United States presence in
Puerto Rico, the language used most often in almost all domains
is Spanish, not English.  Census data and surveys from recent
years has continually shown that a shift to English has not
occurred and that the Spanish language has been maintained.
     The 1980 Census showed that only 19% of Puerto Ricans could
speak English easily and that 81% were unable to speak English or
spoke it with difficulty (U.S. Bureau of Census, 1980).  A 1989
study carried out by the school of Communications at the
University of Puerto Rico showed similar results.  After
interviewing people from the areas of Adjuntas, San Juan and
Quebradillas, this study showed that 7 out of 10 informants did
not understand English or had difficulty understanding it
(Claridad, Dec. 11-17, 1992, 37).
     The most recent census, 1990, showed that 52% of the
population could not speak English at all, and 76% were unable to
speak it or spoke it with difficulty (U.S. Bureau of Census,
1990). In 1991, Celeste Ben¡tez, Secretary of Education of Puerto
Rico, expressed the department's continuing dissatisfaction with
the English speaking proficiency of students in the public school
system (San Juan Star, July 1, 1991, 23).
     In reality, English does not now nor has ever occupied a
dominant role in Puerto Rico according to Census data from the
years 1900 to 1990.


    Clearly, Spanish was and continues to be the language of choice
in Puerto Rico even after its 97 year association with an English
speaking country.

What were the original intentions and/or circumstances for
including English language instruction in the public school
systems?

Guam

       Originally, it was the government of the United States
that decided that it was in the best interests of the people of
Guam to learn the English language.  For these military
governors, English and education were synonymous.  One could not
exist without the other.  A 1905 General Order declared English
as necessary in order for Guamanians to "improve mental
condition, prepare themselves and to help their children".
English was seen, not only as the means of educating the people
of Guam, but as the means of bettering their entire life.  In
1925, as campaigns to promote the use of English intensified, the
language was sold as the means to provide knowledge of hygiene,
fair play and honor as well as a love for labor and industry (J.
Torres, 1925, 15).  Simply put, the governor's of the island at
the time felt that progress towards civilization and
modernization was only possible through the Americanization of
the natives and the associated learning of the English language. 
In 1941, this sentiment is again revealed as Lt. Commander,
Armknect states in the Guam Recorder that
"...while it is perfectly possible to speak both English and
Chamorro correctly and effectively, it is a tremendous handicap
for children not to hear English spoken in the home and to wait
to make their first acquaintance with it upon entrance to public
school...the tool required to unlock the greatest store of wisdom
in any language is English" (1941, 139-41).
     After the Second World War, it appears that the natives of
Guam had proved themselves to be loyal Americans, and the tactics
for promoting the use of the English language began to change. 
English was no longer promoted in the schools and among the
Guamanians as the means to become good American citizens and
enjoy progress because of this, but rather promoted solely on an
instrumental basis.  English use was fostered on the basis of its
usefulness in the modern world.  Parents were told to speak
English to their children so that they would do better in school
(Guam Department of Education, 1941, 139-41).  Hockett tells us
that, by the 1960's, Guam had reached the consensus that the
English language, not their own, would provide them access to
"vast wealth or modern scientific and technological knowledge"
(1961, 1). Even advocates of the Chamorro language such as
Katherine Aguon, who helped win the battle to incorporate the
native language in the school system, admitted that it was the
English language that would carry Guamanians into their chosen
professions, and that she had little more aspiration at that time
than to foment spoken Chamorro (1977, 2).  
     The use of English over Chamorro was justified by both Americans
and Guamanians alike.  English was associated originally with an
attachment to the United States and its people, but prevailing
eventually as the key to academic and economic success as well as
the road to modernization (Underwood, 1981).

Philippines

     In the Philippines, the Americans justified the
incorporation of English as the language of the public schools
and other institutions on three basic premises.  The first was
that democracy and the knowledge needed to better their way of
life, through Americanization could only be taught through
English.  The governors of the islands at that time could not
conceive of the possibility of achieving these tasks using the
native languages.  The second rationale offered was that through
the knowledge of English, the Philippines would progress
socially, economically and technologically. Finally, many felt
that because of the large number of languages and dialects spoken
in the archipelago, English would provide the islanders with a
common tongue, a lingua franca.
     In the early years of the American occupation, the principle
objective of the school system was to introduce the Filipinos to
a democratic government (Editorial Philippine Journal of
Education, August, 1930: 78, Forbes 1928, 1:422 in Fonacier
27-29).  For the Americans, the intentions were to lead the
Filipinos towards self government, and show them the benefits of
such government through the experiences of the United States. 
Americanization and the teaching of English went hand in hand
(Fonacier, 29) as they learned of the lives of American patriots,
sang songs of American freedom and learned of snow and Santa
Claus (Constantino, 6).  By offering the American way of life,
including the English language, to the Philippines, the
soldier-teachers hoped to convince the Filipinos of their good
intentions and through education, offer equal opportunity for all
to progress (Philippine Commission, 1904: 10 in Fonacier 28). 
This was very different from the elitist approach to education of
the Spaniards and consequently left a lasting impression of the
Americans as benevolent and caring.  In 1993, this sentiment was
still present, evidenced by a tour guide's comment that "The
Spaniards were in the Philippines for 500 years, and the only
thing they left us was their religion; the Americans gave us
education".
     English was not only the language of democracy, according to
its proponents, but also the language that would help the
Philippines progress into the modern world.  In 1904, David
Barrows, Director of Education, claimed that English would "give
the peasant social protection and wealthy social distinction"
(Philippine Commission, 1904:10 in Fonacier, 28).  Atkinson
similarly said that "to restrict them to their own dialect
would...stunt them in growth and deny them the material and
intellectual possibilities offered by such a language as English"
(1905:407-408 in Fonacier 30).
     In the schools, English became the language of ,
mathematics, science and technology (Swanson Survey, 1959 in
Fonacier, 114).  Even as the bilingual curriculum has become more
prevalent, English has been retained as the medium of instruction
in science, mathematics and technology,courses generally
associated with progress. 
     Finally, the third reason given for the use of English in
the Philippines was the need for a language that would permit the
different language groups to communicate and understand each
other.  English was thought to be the ideal lingua franca for the
Philippines by its American governors.  
     Prof. B. Moses, Secretary of Instruction 1901-02  felt that
the native languages of the Philippines were too numerous and
different to be chosen as this common language (Fonacier, 31).
The Philippine Commission also wrote that 
"In view of the great number of languages spoken by the different
tribes, it is especially important to the prosperity of the
Islands, that a common medium of communication be established,
and it is obviously desirable that this medium should be the
English language" (1904:10 in Fonacier, 28).
David Barrows, Director of Education, noted in this same year
that the native languages showed no indications of "fusing", and
that English would permit the Philippines to develop as a nation
with one language (Philippine Commission, 1904:700 in Fonacier
31).  
     By 1919, the government felt that English was serving as the
common medium of communication among the different language
groups of the Philippines.  English continued to be promoted by
many different groups as the lingua franca of the Islands well
into the 1940's when nationalist groups began to promote the use
of the national language for this purpose.

Puerto Rico

     The original intentions of the United States government for
incorporating English into the public schools of Puerto Rico has
been clearly documented int he doctoral dissertation of Aida
Negr¢n de Montilla (1977) "Americanization in Puerto Rico and the
public school system: 1900-1930".  The United States felt that it
was in the best interests of the Puerto Ricans to become good
American citizens through the learning of American values,
history and the English language.  Negr¢n de Montilla compiled
many letters, reports and other official documents that
demonstrated this original intent.
     One such example can be seen in the Annual Report of the
Commissioner of Education in 1902 stating that
     "...it will make possible the extension of all the
principles of American government, idieas and life, knowledge and
achievements of the American culture..." (in Negr¢n de Montilla,
77-78)   
     In 1912, Meyer Bloomfield, a researcher studying the
educational system of Puerto Rico found that there had been great
progress in the americanizing of the children of Island (Negr¢n
de Montilla, 85). And perhaps still more illustrative of the
original intentions of the school system are comments made by
Victor S. Clark in the early yers of occupation:
" If we Americanize the schools and inspire the American spirit
in teachrs and students...the Island will in turn show
sympathies, points of view and attitudes..essentially American."
(Negron de Montilla, 1977, 250).
     Document after document, Negron de Montilla showed that the
school system was the medium designated by the new governors of
the Island for Americanizing the Puerto Rican people.  Most
notably through the use of English as the medium of instruction
and a curriculum based almost entirely on the history and culture
of the United States.
     Similar findings are reported by Fernandez-Vanga who cites
the governor of Puerto Rico in 1929, E. Montgomery Reilly as
saying, 
"I shall not be satisfied until the whole system is greatly
improved along the lines of American ideas and ideals...I hope to
see the language of Washington, Lincoln and Harding tatught
equally with that of Spanish in our public schools
(Fernandez-Vanga, 187).
     President Roosevelt further emphasized the importance of
teaching English as part of the Americanization process when he
wrote to Commissioner of education of Puerto Rico, Jose M.
Gallardo in 1937 saying that the Puerto Ricans should profit from
the historical circumstances that brought the United States and
the Island together by become bilingual (Osuna, 1949, 376-77).
     For the most part, English was considered and prmoted as a
way for Puerto Ricans to become better U.S. citizens and as a
means for Americanizing the population; however, other reasons
were also given for learning English.  It was also presented as a
language of culture and literature to be appreciated and taken
advantage of by Puerto Ricans.
     English was presented by some as the means to becoming a
more cultured society.  This can be evidenced by the 1944 speech
given by Pedro Salinas at a University of Puerto Rico graduation
ceremony.  
     "No country can live a free, agile and vast intellectual
life if it does not possess, for cultural reasons, another
language other than its own.  English in Puerto Rico could fill
this role..." (Aprecio y defensa, 1970, 44).
Similar sentiments were exxpressed earlier in 1939 by Jose Celso
Barbosa who warned that it was mcuh to Puerto Rico's advantage to
cultivate the language of Shakespeare than to ignore it
(Orientando el pueblo, 1939, in Melendez, 1993, 53)
     In general, in the early years of U.S. occupation,
incorporating English into the public school system was seen as a
necessary step in the Americanization of the people. However, in
later years, perhaps as a result of the continuous opposition to
Americanization, English was promoted as a language of arts,
literature and cultural refinement.

How was the English language policy incorporated into
the public school curriculum?

Guam

     Because the English language was considered as the only path
to "civilization" by the Americans and later on by the Chamorros,
it was immediately introduced as the medium of instruction in the
public schools.  In the early years of the American occupation, a
great deal of attention was given to the learning of English, and
it was given priority over all other subjects with the exception
of arithmetic which was also given in English (Schroeder, 1902;
Sewell, 1904; Dorn, 1909).  
     By 1930, the curriculum of Guam's public schools looked
surprisingly like the curriculum of any school in the United
States.  The Junior high curriculum included the teaching of
English literature four times a week and English grammar, also
four times a week (Guam Department of Education, 1930, 134-37). 
Ninth grade included English literature and grammar eight and six
times a week respectively, and tenth grade introduced the
students to English composition.  The third and fourth year of
high school included English and American literature as well as
composition and rhetoric and a course in U.S. history (Guam
Department of Education, 1930, 139-140)
In 1950, with the passing of the Organic Act of Guam, English was
once again affirmed as the official language in the schools of
Guam, maintaining its status as the sole medium of instruction.
It wasn't until 1977, that this law was changed to allow a
language other than English for courses in Chamorro and foreign
languages; however, Chamorro was treated much in the same way as
a foreign language was, allotting small amounts of time for its
instruction.  This practice was still continued in 1993, with the
English language as the medium of instruction in the public
schools and universities of Guam.
Philippines
    As was the norm of the period, the Americans, almost
immediately upon arrival,  established a public school system
with English as the medium of instruction and taught by American
teachers (Sibayan, Bilingu., 307; Fonacier, 26).  In fact, only
three weeks after the American forces had taken over Manila,
schools were opened with soldiers assigned to teach English
(Bureau of Education, 1915:9 in Fonacier, 24).  The largest group
of teachers imported from the United States arrived in 1901. 
Five hundred and sixty teachers were brought to the Philippines
aboard the U.S. Army Transport "Thomas" and were called the
Thomasites by the Filipinos (Sibayan and Gonzalez, English
Language Teaching, 273).  Night classes were also offered for
adults interested in learning English (Fonacier, 33). From 1900
to 1938, the Americans successfully implanted English as the only
language of instruction in the public schools of the Philippines
(Sibayan, Bilingual ed., 305).
     English courses in 1904 consisted of reading, writing,
conversation, phonics and spelling (Aldana 1935:4, 52 in Fonacier
40). However, teachers complained that their students could not
identify with the topics in the textbooks imported from the
United States and in 1910, Filipino and American writers
collaborated to create new materials in English but with topics
related to the Filipino way of life (10th Annual Report,
Philippine Islands 1910: 23 in Fonacier 33).  English courses
were split into reading and language in 1910, but in 1913 phonics
was again included (Aldana, 1935:4, 52 in Fonacier 40).
     One can imagine the typical English classroom in the 1920's
through Sibayan's (Becoming Bilingual) memories of his own
experiences:
"Everything in that room had a label - windows, the blackboard,
desks, the teacher's table, the sand table, even the broom had a
tag on it.  Above the blackboard, the upper and lower case of the
letters of the alphabet in script were conspicuously displayed. 
There were black and white reproductions of 'The Sower' and 'The
Gleaners' by Millet..."(285)
And Pangilinan (1953) relates:
"Our teacher spoke to us only in English because he spoke no
other language.  And we had to speak to him in English -- at
least in the semblance of English that we could muster - because
he could not understand any other language...we talked English
the best we knew how" (171-72 in Fonacier 26).
The vernaculars were permitted in the classroom as an auxiliary
medium in 1939, but it wasn't until after 1956 that English lost
its position as the sole language of instruction in the public
schools of the Philippines. Bilingual education with Pilipino and
English began in 1957, and in 1974, a full bilingual program was
implemented in the schools of the Philippines (Sibayan, bilingual
ed. 305).  In 1974, English was used as the medium of instruction
in Mathematics and Science, in addition to being taught as a
subject in the English Communication Arts course (Sibayan and
Gonzalez, teaching English, 285). This has continued with English
as the language of science and mathematics, and in recent years
for the course known as technology. 

Puerto Rico

     From 1898 to 1949, a series of changes in language policies
for the schools in Puerto Rico took place.  The amount of time
that was dedicated to English instruction and the use of English
as the medium of instruction was modified several times as the
different Commissioners of Education tried to assure that Puerto
Ricans learned English. These seven principle policy changes are
defined in Osuna's History of Education in Puerto
Rico (1949), Cebollero's A school language policy for
Puerto Rico, (1945), Negron de Montilla's
Americanization in Puerto Rico and the public school
system (1977) and in Algren de Gutierrez's The
movement against teaching English in schools of Puerto Rico
(1987).
     The first policy established in 1898 by General Eaton and
his assistant Victor Clark brought about a dramatic change for
the schools of Puerto Rico as English was designated as the
medium of instruction in all grades.  This policy proved
difficult to enforce because of the lack of teachers with the
ability to teach in English, and by 1900,the new Commissioner of
Education, Brumbaugh, reinstated spanish as the medium of
instruction in the elementary grades.  English was taught as a
subject until high school where the language policy was inverted
with English as the medium of instruction and Spanish taught as a
subject.
     However, in 1903, with Roland Faulkner as Commissioner of
Education, a renewed emphasis on English brought the Eaton-Clark
policy back into practice.  English was again used as the medium
of instruction at all levels with Spanish being taught as a
subject.
     The Faulkner policy remained virtually unchanged untl 1917,
when Commissioner Paul Miller began to implement a bilingual
language policy for the schools of Puerto Rico. Spanish was used
as the medium of instruction from first through fourth grade with
English taught as a subject. Half of the fifth grade courses were
taught in English and the other half in Spanish.  After fifth
grade, all courses were taught in English.  Ths policy remained
intact until 1934 when the Brumbaugh policy with Spanish as the
medium of instruction in the elementary grades and English at the
high school level was reinstated.
     When Commissioner Gallardo took office in 1937, he began
once again to try and implement a bilingual language policy in
the schools.  Spanish was used as the medium of instruction in
the first and second grades, but both English and Spanish were
used in grades three to eight.  English continued to be the
medium of instruction at the high school level. However, in 1942,
Gallardo was forced to once again put into function the Brumbaugh
policy.
     There was a great deal of public debate and controversy
surrounding the issue of English in the schools.  And in 1949,
Mario Villarongo woa had been forced to resign as Commissioner of
Education because of his open opposition to English as a medium
of instruction was put back into office by newly elected Governor
Luis Mu¤oz Mar¡n.  Almost immediately, the language policy that
established Spanish as the medium of instruction at all levels
was implemented.  This is the policy that continues in existence
today in the public schools of Puerto Rico.

What actions were taken to promote the spread of
English?

Guam

The inclusion of English in the curriculum and as the medium of
instruction were not the only means used to promote the use of
English by the natives of Guam.  Several campaigns were begun to
convince parents that speaking English to their children was in
their best interests. In PTA meetings, which were conducted in
Chamorro, teachers pleaded with parents to speak more English to
their children under the premise that it would help them achieve
success in school (Underwood, 1981, 1987). No-Chamorro rules were
established and teachers and students alike were punished for
using Chamorro on the school grounds (Underwood, 1987; Duncga,
1993).  Teachers were fined or even threatened with jail (Duncga,
19...).  Enforcement of the no-Chamorro rules depended on
individual teachers but included such punishments as that of
"ticket giving".  Tickets were given to a person caught speaking
Chamorro on school grounds.  This person had the option of
passing on the ticket to someone he or she caught speaking
Chamorro, and at the end of the school day, the person in
possession of the ticket was physically punished (Underwood,
1987, 166). 

Philippines

In addition to the incorporation of English as the sole
language of instruction in the public schools of the Philippines,
other measures were taken to promote the use of the same.  One of
these measures was the government sponsored training of Filipinos
in universities in the United States, and the other was the
prohibition of the native language on school grounds.
Of course the most obvious measure to used to promote the spread
of English was its incorporation as the medium of instruction in
the schools.  The 1927 service manual for the Bureau of Education
stated explicitly that " English is the only language approved
for use in schoolwork, in public school buildings, and on public
school grounds (4 in Fonacier, 39). Sibayan (Becoming Bilingual)
tells us that 
It [English] was the only language used for teaching us
arithmetic, geography, history, civics, good manners and right
conduct, reading and writing, gardening and industrial arts for
the boys and home economics for girls.  We had to learn to speak,
read and write English so that we could get an education..."(286)
English was in fact, the only means for achieving an education in
the public schools at that time.
     In addition to being forced to learn a new language in order
to receive an education, many Filipinos report being punished for
using their native language on school grounds.  Different
measures were taken for those found using a language other than
English while at school.  Fonacier (39) reports that guilty
person was often fined, while Sibayan (Becoming Bilingual, 286)
tells of cleaning school grounds and carrying stones from the
river to build fences as the punishment commonly used in his
days.  He also relates cases of boys being "whipped with a stick
on the buttocks" when it was raining and the other punishments
were not appropriate.  Isagani Cruz also speaks of punishment
"for speaking any word that was not in the standard English
dictionary found in the school library" (A nation Searching for a
language, 18).
     Debates, literary programs and other types of English
speaking contests were among the positive activities carried out
by the schools in efforts to promote the use of English
(Fonacier, 39).  Perhaps the most effective program to promote
the use of English was the "pensionado" system.  The government
sent young Filipinos to the United States to be educated as
teachers, engineers, doctors and lawyers.  This had to have been
the single most effective means to assure the spread of English
and Americanization. By training future professionals in the
United States, it all but guaranteed an educated elite trained in
the language and culture of the Americans. 

Puerto Rico

     Most of the actions taken to promote the spread of English
in Puerto Rico were done through the courts and schools of the
Island.  The United States military government in the early years
of occupation and the pro-statehood party in more recent years
quite offten used the legal system to define and somehow make
more permanent the role of English in Puerto Rico.
     Intially, the laws passed with this purpose were designed to
mold the public schools into an educational system as similar as
pssible to that found in the United States, most noteable for the
use of English as the medium of instruction..  One fo the first
laws passed by the military government in 1899 was a law that
requiring that each town or city in Puerto Rico employ at least
one teacher whose native language was English (p. of c. 417).
However, because of the limited number of native speakers of
English, in 1902 the Education department began to send Puerto
Rican teachers tot he United States to study English in Cornell
and Harvard. Two hundred and forty teachers in all were sent to
the United States between the years 1902 and 1904 (p. of c. 417). 
     Another measure taken to assure the presence and spread of
English throughout the school system was to modify the licensing
procedures for teachers so that only those who were proficient in
English were able to teach.  Commissioner of Education Samual
McCune Lindsay was among the first to establish such licensing
procedures.  In 1902, he established a certification system that
was primarily based on the points achieved on an English test. In
1904, Linday's succesor Commissioner Falkner helped to establish
a law that required obligatory English testing of all teachers. 
The teachers' licenses were suspended until this test was passed
(p. of. c. 417)
     Even after the first Puerto Rican commissioner, Juan B.
Huykes, entered the system, the measures to promote the spread of
English continued.  This commissioner ordered that all official
documents sent to teachers must be in English.  Huyke also
prohibited the production of school materials only in Spanish,
and like his predecessor, required all teachers to pass an
obligatory English test for certification.  Teachers who could
not pass this exam were asked to resign.  He also required that
teachers and students use English outside the classroom (p. of c.
417).
     In 1937, the Education Department's determination to
maintain English in a major role in the school system became
evident. Ines Mendoza, a teacher, was fired for using Spanish as
the medium of instruction in the classroom (Ferrao, p. 38). In
fact, any attempts to retain the native language of Spanish as
the medium of instruction in the schools was thwarted by the
military government in command.  On two occasions the legislature
attempted to pass a bill to this end, in 1945 and again in 1946. 
On both occasions, the governor vetoed the bill.
     In 1947, Commissioner of Education Mariano Villaronga was
forced to resign because of his open support for Spanish as the
medium of instruction in the schools.  Shortly afterwards
however, in 1949, this same Commissioner was reinstated and
Spanish was established as the language of instruction in the
schools (p. of. c. 417).
     Other than in the public school system, English was promoted
as the official language of the Island.  In 1902, it was
included, together with Spanish, as an official language.  This
law remaind unchanged until 1991 when Governor Rafael Hern ndez
Col¢n passed a law removing Englsh as an official language. 
Almost immediately after losing the following election to Dr.
Pedro Rosell¢ of the pro-statehood party, the law was repealed,
and in 1993, English was again placed on equal standing with
Spanish as the official language of Puerto Rico.

How has native language instruction been changed in the
public school system?

Guam

Chamorro, the native language of Guam, was in effect banished
from the schools of Guam until 1970 when promoters of the
language succeeded in bringing a federally funded bilingual
education program, "Kolhion Mandikike", to the public schools. 
Although the proposal for this grant was written under the guise
of bettering the English skills of Chamorro students, it was the
beginning of a reethnification movement that would eventually
lead to the founding of the Chamorro Language and Culture Program
in 1974 (Underwood, 1987, 302).  Through these programs, the
Chamorro language was finally included in the public school
system, providing twenty minutes of Chamorro instruction daily in
the primary grades (K-3) and thirty minutes a day in grades four
through six.  In 1977, Public Law 14-53, recognized Chamorro as a
valid medium of instruction, although English continued as the
language of instruction in all other courses.  Public Law 15-9,
signed in 1979, made the commitment to have Chamorro language and
Culture courses as part of the required courses in the public
schools by 1984. 
In 1993, Ms. Ann Rivera, Director of the Chamorro Studies
Division of the Department of Education reported great success in
the teaching and learning of the Chamorro language in Guam's
public schools even though only twenty to thirty minutes a day
are allowed for this purpose.  They had recently changed from the
audio-lingual approach in these courses to Total Physical
Response, both techniques used primarily for teaching second and
foreign languages. The success has been such that they are now
looking for better ways to teach reading and writing in Chamorro. 

Philippines
     From the arrival of the Americans in Manila until 1932, the
vernacular was not permitted in the public schools of the
Philippines, although some administrators of the Public
Instruction were more permissive than others in enforcing the
mandate. Captain Albert Todd (1900) and David Barrows (1903-09),
for example, were much more receptive to the idea of using the
vernacular to clarify concepts than others (Fonacier, 25, 37).  
     In 1932-33, the Committee on Public Instruction submitted a
bill to the Congress which permitted the use of any of the six
major languages (Tagalog, Visayan, Ilocano, Bicol, Pangasinan and
Pampango) as a medium of instruction at all levels, but in 1939
the use of these languages was restricted to the primary grades
as an auxiliary language (Fonacier, 66-68)
     In 1942, the Japanese occupied the Philippines, and ordered
Tagalog to be the medium of instruction in the public schools. 
Although English was prohibited and intensive Nippongo
instruction was given, even the Japanese found that English was a
necessary evil for communication with the people of the
Philippines. The efforts to use Tagalog in the school were
fruitless and teachers continued to use English (Fonacier,
72-73).  
     After the War, experiments using the vernacular as a medium
of instruction began.  One of the most notable was the Iloilo
Experiment.  From 1948 to 1954, Jose V. Aguilar, superintendent
for the Iloilo schools conducted an investigation using the
native language of the area, Hiligaynon as the medium of
instruction in the first and second grades.  At the end of the
experiment, which included both control and experimental groups,
he was able to report that those students who were initially
taught in their vernacular learned better than those who were
taught only in English.  As a result of this experiment, in 1957,
the vernacular was established as the medium of instruction in
first and second grade with Filipino and English taught as
subjects.  From third to sixth grade, English was the medium of
instruction with the vernacular as an auxiliary language, and for
intermediate and high school, English continued as the medium of
instruction, but Filipino was used as the auxiliary language
(Board of Education 1958:18 Article II, sec. 10-12 in Fonacier,
103).
     Under the new bilingual education program, in 1970, Pilipino
became the main language of instruction at the elementary level. 
In non-Tagalog areas, the vernacular was used as the medium of
instruction from first to fourth grade, but Pilipino in fifth
grade. English was offered as a double period subject in fifth
and sixth grade.  English and Pilipino were used as the media of
instruction in intermediate and high school (Presidential
Commission to Survey Philippine Education 1970:119 in Fonacier,
145).
     In 1972, the Committee on National Language, responding to
public pressure, decided that the Tagalog based nation language,
Pilipino should be replaced by a new national language composed
of all of the major languages of the Philippines.  This new
language, Filipino, did not exist, and until it had been
developed, it was decided that the vernacular would be used as
the medium of instruction from first to fourth grade with English
as the medium of instruction from fifth grade up (Fonacier,
140-41).
     In 1973, The Board of National Education passed Resolution
73-2 establishing the vernacular as the medium of instruction in
the first and second grades with English and Pilipino (not
Filipino) as subjects.  English was established as the medium of
instruction from the third grade up with Pilipino as a subject. 
This policy was established as the Language Policy in Philippine
Education, Department Order No. 9 on March 16, 1973.  On June 19,
1973, because of negative public reaction, the Board of National
Education, again revised its policy, and the vernacular lost its
place as a medium of instruction in the schools as English and
Pilipino were established as the media of instruction at all
levels (Fonacier 155-157, Llamazon, Requiem, Building, 300).  The
vernacular was permitted as an auxiliary language, but the
government's expectation was that the Filipinos become bilingual
in Pilipino and English.  In fact, the Department of Education
and Culture's Order No. 25 specifically stated that "the
vernacular shall be resorted to only when necessary to facilitate
understanding of the concepts being taught through the prescribed
medium of instruction..." which was English or Pilipino (Sibayan,
Bilingual Education)
     In 1993, instruction continued in English and
Pilipino/Filipino/Tagalog.  There is some confusion as to which
of the three, or if there is a difference at all.  Officially,
what is being taught in the schools is Filipino (Miranda, 1992,
180 - Fookien Times Yearb.) In reality, the people still
visualize this language as Tagalog. In 1993, A young taxi driver
promptly corrected this researcher when asked if Filipino was 
taught in school, specifying that only English and Tagalog were
used.  If this is the case, use of the vernacular in the school
system would seem to exist only in Tagalog areas.

Puerto Rico

     Only in the first two years of U.S. occupation of Puerto
Rico was Spanish eliminated as the medium of instruction in the
schools.  However, as early as 1900, it was reinstated as the
medium of instruction at the elementary level.  In spite of
different attempts to include English as a medium of instruction
at different levels through the various language policies put
into action by the different Commissioners of Education, Spanish
maintained its place as language of instruction.  In 1949, it was
designated as the language of instruction at all levels. This is
the policy currently in vigor with Englsih being taught as a
second language approximately 50 minutes a day.

Does policy exist that includes English as an official
and/or national language? Is the native language
included as an official and/or national language in the language
policy?

Guam

The incorporation of the native language in the curriculum of the
public schools, albeit in limited doses, can be interpreted as a
great advancement towards the survival of Chamorro considering
that until 1974, the Chamorro language didn't exist, at least not
for the government.  From 1898 to 1974, English was the only
official language of Guam.  In 1974, Public Law 12-132, section
3000 made English and Chamorro  the official languages of Guam"
but quickly amended that "Chamorro shall not be required for
official recording of public acts and transactions".  In
addition, it wasn't until 1977, that the Education Law of 1958
section 11201, was amended to say that "All courses of study
shall be taught in the English language except courses in
Chamorro and foreign languages".  Finally, after more than 75
years, Chamorro had taken its rightful place in the Government
and in the schools. 

Philippines

     English, although established as an official language in the
Philippines from the very beginning of U.S. rule of the Islands
has never been the sole official language.  Retaining its
official status throughout the years, it has shared it at times
with Spanish, Pilipino and now with Filipino which is also the
national language of the Philippines.
     Up until 1934, English and Spanish were the unchallenged
official languages of the Philippines; however, as the Filipinos
moved towards independence from the United States, many
considered the inclusion of a language more representative of the
Philippines essential in the formation of the Philippines'
language policies.  It was at the 1934 Constitutional Convention
that it was decided that a "national language" for the
Philippines was needed to "strengthen the solidarity of the
Nation" (Pascasio, Building, 343).  At that convention, a
provision was included in the Constitution stating that "the
National Assembly shall take steps looking to the development of
a language common to all the people on the basis of the existing
languages".  This statement was later changed, presumably by
President Quezon to read one of the existing
languages (Draft of the Constitution, 1934 in Pascasio, Building,
343).  Hoping to accelerate the process, in 1935, Hermenegildo
Villanueva, a delegate from a non-Tagalog area, proposed that
English, Spanish and Tagalog be the official languages of the
Philippines (Pascasio, Building, 344). Although the number of
Spanish speakers on the Islands was diminishing, the large number
of official documents written in this language necessitated the
retention of this language, but the proposal to include Tagalog
was defeated, probably due resistance from the large number of
delegates from non-Tagalog areas.  However, after surveying the
development of the different languages in the Philippines, in
1937, President Quezon signed Executive Order No. 134, declaring
Tagalog as the basis for the national language (Fonacier, 63).
     World War II brought some temporary revisions in language
policy during the 1940's.  Upon Japanese occupation of the
Islands, Japanese and Tagalog were declared as the official
languages of the Philippines. Military Ordinance No. 13 stated
that "the official languages for public use in the future shall
be Japanese and Tagalog"; however, it continued to say that "for
the time being, the use of English will be allowed." (Gonzalez,
1980, 79). Although Japanese of course was eliminated upon
recapture of the Philippines, Tagalog continued as an official
language and as the basis of the national language until 1959
when its name was changed to Pilipino (Fonacier, 150,
Gonzalez, nationalism, 97, 102).
     In 1972, resentment by non-Tagalog groups against the choice
of Pilipino as the national language surfaced (Gonzalez, 1980,
97).  It was decided that the article on language in the
Constitution, be revised to read, "A common national language to
be known as Filipino shall be evolved, developed and
adopted based  on existing native languages and dialects without
precluding the assimilation of words from foreign languages"
(Fonacier, 150).   A compromise between Tagalog and non Tagalog
groups was reached as the 1973 Constitution was revised to read
that "Filipino will be developed as the national language and
that until otherwise stated by law, English and Pilipino shall be
the official languages" (Llamazon, Building, 297-298). Thus,
Pilipino/Tagalog lost its status as a national language, although
in 1974, President Marcos expressed his desire for Pilipino to
develop further into Filipino (Marcos, 1974 speech).
     From the period of 1972 to 1987, one presumes that the
national language, Filipino was evolving or being developed as
stipulated by the Constitution.  Pilipino continued to be the one
of the languages of instruction, and one of the official
languages, but in 1986, this began to change. The Deliberations
on Language Policy by the 1986 Constitutional Commission shows
the first attempts to incorporate Filipino as an official
language.  At the end of much debate as to the role of English,
Filipino and even Spanish in the language policy, the final
article that was to be included in the 1987 Constitution read as
follows:
For purposes of communication and instruction, the official
languages of the Philippines are Filipino and until otherwise
provided by law, English. The regional languages are the
auxiliary official languages in their respective regions and
shall serve as auxiliary media of instruction therein.  Spanish
and Arabic shall be promoted on a voluntary and optional basis
(Constitutional Commission, 1986, No. 78:29).
It is interesting to note that during these deliberations, the
members of the Commission make mention of an existing law that
establishes Spanish as an official language and that it had not
been repealed. In 1988, President Aquino issued Executive Order
No. 335 urging all government dependents to use Filipino in
official correspondences (Tejero, mix-mix, 9).
     The expression "until otherwise provided by law, English" in
the Philippine Language policy leaves one with the impression
that plans might be contemplated to eliminate English as an
official language in the future.  In a 1991 publication An
Agenda for Reform by the Congressional
Commission on Education, there is in fact a recommendation that
Pilipino be established as the sole language of instruction in
the future; however, it is doubtful that the recommendation will
be heeded.   

Puerto Rico

     In Puerto Rico, the language policy in the schools went
through many changes in attempts to define exactly wht would be
th role of English in education.  However, in the goverment,
English has essentially maintained it official status together
with Spanish since 1902.  The only exception occurred in 1991
when Governor Hern ndez Col¢n  eliminated English as an official
language of Puerto Rico.  This law was immediately appealed in
1993, when newly elected Gov. Rossell¢ from the pro-statehood
party took office.  Many believe that Hern ndez Col¢n's decision
to remove English from official language policy cost him the
election in the following term.  In fact, one of Dr. Rossello's
more prominent campaign promises was to restore English as an
official language.

 Did nationalist groups exist to oppose English instruction
and defend the native language in the school system and in other
societal institutions?  What rationale was used to defend the
maintenance of the native language and/or opposition to the
spread of English in the school, in other societal institutions
and in language policies?

Guam

   For the first sixty years, little or no opposition existed to the
exclusion of the Chamorro language in the schools and government
of Guam in favor of English, and the resistance that did exist
was more of an individual nature than organized groups of
protest.  It wasn't until 1964, that evidence is found indicating
the first organized efforts to defend the language.  The Chamorro
Cultural Association of Guam who distributed their first annual
lecture series in 1964, was dedicated to the preservation,
familiarization and study of the Chamorro language.  This
organization was particularly interested in preserving the
unwritten traditions of the language and studying its
grammar.  No subsequent lecture series were found;
however, in this same year, Guam's legislature passed Public Law
7-162 which formed the Chamorro Language Commission.  This
government agency has as its primary purpose to "develop Guam's
indigenous language through a comprehensive system that included
attention to the daily operations of the Government of Guam and
the government's support in upholding and encouraging its usage. 
The Commission was designed to "protect, preserve and maintain
the Chamorro language as a valuable resource for the people of
Guam (Chamorro Language Commission, 1990, 2-3).  Initially, the
Commission set out to describe the grammar of Chamorro and to
prescribe good usage through the creation of a Chamorro-English
dictionary which was published shortly thereafter. In more recent
years, the Commission has dedicated its efforts to regulating the
correct usage of the Chamorro language.  All signs or
publications which use the Chamorro language must have the
approval of the Commission which provides the correct translation
upon request (Public Law 15-147).  Also, the Commission has
worked towards the adoption of the original Chamorro names for
the towns and other places on Guam (Public Law 17-10). The fight
for more use of the Chamorro language has not been easy as
evidenced by the veto of a Bill submitted to have Chamorro names
for all buildings pertaining to the Government of Guam, in
particular the police stations which retain the name "Koban" a
word derived from neither of the official languages of Guam. 
In the 1970's, the school system responded to the public's
growing awareness that Chamorro was in need of institutional
support and through the efforts of Dr. Katherine Aguon, Director
of Education, included Chamorro language instruction in the
public school curriculum.  In 1976, partly as a result of the
federally funded project that Dr. Aguon had implemented and which
had received great praise, the Chamorro Language and Culture
Program was founded with the explicit purpose of reviving and
preserving the Chamorro language and Culture through the public
school system (Underwood, 1987, 305).  The government of Guam had
become the language's principal defender, and in the 1987
petition to the United States Congress for Commonwealth Status,
the people of Guam specified that the Commonwealth Act must
provide for the maintenance and preservation of the Chamorro
language, culture and traditions (Rogers, 1988). In 1991, the
University of Guam established the Micronesian Language Institute
in order to further promote teaching, materials development,
appreciation and natural evolution of Chamorro and other
Micronesian languages (MLI Bulletin, 1992).
Furthermore, in the Summer of 1993, the University of Guam began
to give the first courses in Chamorro as part of a training
program for Chamorro teachers (interview Bernardita Duncga,
1993).
It appeared that by the 1970's, the Chamorro language had found
the support that it needed from the school and the government;
however, the defense of the language was principally carried out
by a small group of intellectuals and not a movement of the
masses.  Also, the defense of the language was a somewhat
isolated effort and not directed towards an integrated attempt to
maintain the Chamorro ethnocultural identity as a whole.  In
fact, in 1977 Dr. Robert Underwood, a principal proponent of the
Chamorro language stated that "there [were] no institutions which
consciously develop[ed] a sense of peoplehood for the Chamorro"
(Underwood, 1977).  Typical of nationalist efforts, the Chamorro
language, culture and customs were defended as traditions from
the past that were recognized as somehow important and not to be
lost. However, these elements were not necessarily perceived by
the masses as essential components of a the modern-day Chamorro
identity.  This attitude went so far as to bring 67% of the young
university students included in a 1971 study by George Riley to
declare that the ability to speak and understand Chamorro was
not essential to preserving their Chamorro identity
(Riley, 1971, 72). This same sentiment can be seen in comments
made at the 1977 Chamorro Studies Convention as Rev. Feliberto C.
Flores, Bishop of Guam stated that "The greater the appreciation
we have of our own Chamorro language and culture, the better
Americans we become" (Chamorro Language Convention, 1977).  Rev.
Flores defended the maintenance of the native language so as to
become better foreigners. Defenders of the Chamorro
language and culture with a focus on the distant past did exist
but apparently not as an integrated effort to preserve the
identity of a contemporary people.  The Chamorro language and
traditions were displayed in activities such as Chamorro Week
where people dressed in "costumes" of ancient Chamorros and ate
traditional food not seen in their everyday lives. In reality,
these displays were more of a tourist attraction or museum
exhibit than any true effort to maintain the Chamorro identity. 
Although any effort to maintain the language alive is to be
admired,  defenders of the language, formed of and by the masses,
and focusing on the past as an essential component of the modern
Chamorro identity did not exist on Guam until the more recent
formation of an indigenous rights group known as The Chamoru
Nation Traditional Council. 
   The Chamoru Nation Traditional Council was formed on January 16,
1991.  It is composed of a council of thirty-three people
representing the 20,000 registered members.  It was the only non
government or university centered group found who included the
defense of the language as a part  of retaining the identity of
the Chamorros.  Their pledge, in Chamorro, consists essentially
of 
....Allegiance in saving our people and Mother Earth from death
and destruction by playing an important and active role in the
protection of our land, air, water, language, culture and
spirituality of a people... (Chamoru Nation Traditional Council,
1993, 1)
   Unlike other agencies that defended the use of Chamorro, the
Council defended the "people" by defending their language and
culture, and not just the language as an isolated element. It was
also the first group to protest the use of English over Chamorro
and other languages.  One of the group's first official acts was
to attack an English-only at the workplace policy that Guam
Nissan Motor Corporation had for its employees (Chamoru Nation
Traditional Council, 1993, 1). This group defended an
ethnocultural group's right to speak the language that made them
separate and distinct from the Western culture so prevalent on
Guam.
   The Chamoru Nation Traditional Council's defense of the people's
native tongue was different from the efforts made by the
government of Guam.  For example, the initial efforts that led to
the formation of the Chamorro Language and Culture Program spoke
of the language and culture as if they were separate entities
rather than integral parts of the Chamorro identity whereas the
Council sought to preserve all which incorporated the modern
Chamorro identity.  The proposal for the Chamorro Language and
Culture program stated its purpose as "the desire to retain that
which is distinctive and positive regarding the traditional
Chamorro culture", but also included the desire to "assimilate
enough of American's culture in order to play a meaningful role
within America's social, economic and political system...."(in
Underwood, 1987, 308). The Chamorro Language and Culture Program
accepted the intervention of the American culture as something
useful for the Chamorro; however, the Chamoru Nation Traditional
Council not only defended the Chamorro identity, but in no
uncertain terms also rejected the influence of this Western
nation on the island.  In the Council's publication of their
activities and history, the spokesperson, Angel Leon Guerrero
Santos states:
"We want to be free as a people! (emphasis original)
We want to follow our traditions, values and beliefs and to live
according to the will of our people.  We want to be able to make
mistakes and correct them without being condemned by the federal
government....We know how to think and act as a civilized nation
of people.  God gave our people brains to become a great nation. 
We want to control our own destiny...I would much rather die than
to be a slave on my own land!"
     From the early 1960's, the existing native intellectual
elite on the island of Guam, after recognizing the continuing
shift towards English in most domains, began to work towards the
defense and preservation of the native culture and language of
Chamorro.  Most of the efforts were carried out at the government
level as these intellectuals took important positions of power,
or in the University of Guam where most worked.  However, the
support and understanding of elitist efforts by the masses was
not evidenced until much later.  Even with the evolvement of the
nationalist group, the Chamoru Nation Traditional Council, the
first group composed of both intellectuals and the masses, the
people of Guam continue to hold the English language and American
culture in high esteem while only just beginning to recognize the
value and importance of their own language and culture in a
modern context.

Philippines

     Opposition to the use of English as the medium of
instruction in the schools of the Philippines, and the push to
use one or all of the vernaculars was found throughout the
history of the Philippines.  The initial opposition was clearly
anti-English, and carried on by different groups composed
principally of the educated elite of the times.  Later on,
government agencies and the University of the Philippines became
the major proponents for the use of the national language,
initially Tagalog, then Pilipino and finally Filipino.
The rationale used by the different groups to defend the use of
the vernacular and/or national language in the schools was based
on three basic arguments: that the vernacular/national language
was a better medium for expressing ideas related to the Filipino
culture, that it was more pedagogically sound to teach in the
vernacular, and finally that in order for the Philippines to
progress as a nation, it had to have one national language
derived from the native languages.
     As early as 1904, reports of groups who were against the use
of English as the sole language of instruction, the Spanish
educated Filipinos among the first, are found (Philippine
Commission, 3:700-701, Fonacier, 30, Blair and Robertson, 46:367
in Fonacier 32).  Literary works criticizing the American
presence and written in the vernaculars are found as early as
1907 and in 1908, Lope K. Santos, a novelist, poet and journalist
was the president of "Samahan ng Mananagalog", the Association of
Tagalog Users (Gonzalez, 1980, 32,37).  In 1911, Santos became
the president of the "Academia de Tagalistas", Academy of Tagalog
Scholars and later on vice-president of "Kapulungang Balagtas",
another pro-Tagalog association. 
     In 1915, the 15th Annual Report on the Philippine Islands
continues to report opposition to the use of English in the
schools, and a movement to use the vernacular in some sectors,
although they retained English at the high school level (69 in
Fonacier, 37). The teachers also opposed the content of the
textbooks that were being used, and eventually, new textbooks
were created that reflected the Filipino culture and way of life
(Fonacier, 34 and Sibayan for Fishman, 10).
     Perhaps one of the strongest opponents of the use of English
as the medium of instruction in Philippines schools was an
American, Dr. Najeeb M. Saleeby, who was Superintendent of
Schools in 1924.  Dr. Saleeby recognized the importance of the
use of the vernacular as an important element for the educational
and national development of the Philippines.  He wrote.
"...No medium can serve the welfare of the whole community except
its own dialect,...It is not right..to limit all instruction to
English...Some other possible medium has got to be found.  Such
medium must be a native dialect..." (Saleeby, 25-30 in Fonacier,
38 and Gonzalez, nationalism, 43)
Saleeby condemned the American government for its attempts to
eliminate the native languages of the Philippines and substitute
them for English.
     By the 1930's, the Philippines was on its way towards
self-government, and as the Constitution of the Philippines was
being developed, language was a prominent issue.  At the 1934
Constitutional Convention delegates spoke of the need for a
national language to unite the people of the Philippines
(Gonzalez, 1980, 45).  On October 26, 1934, the necessity for a
national language was included in the Philippine Constitution
under Article XIII which stated:
"A national language being necessary to strengthen the solidarity
of the Nation, the National Assembly shall take steps looking to
the development and adoption of a language common to all people
on the basis of the existing native languages" (Gonzalez, 1980,
51.
     In 1936, the Institute of National Language was formed by
Commonwealth Act No. 184.  Its purpose was study and compare the
major dialects of the Philippines and to choose a native tongue
so as to develop it as the national language (Fonacier, 61). In
1937, the Institute after "conclusive but incomplete" findings
recommended Tagalog as the basis of the national language
(Fonacier, 63). This choice was to result in a series of debates
between Tagalog and non-Tagalog sectors which continued well into
the 1970's, and continues to some degree even today.  
     World War II and the capture of the island brought a different
kind of nationalism to the Philippines.  The Japanese sought to
promote an association between Filipinos and their
Oriental-Asiatic roots.  As part of this movement, the Japanese
reaffirmed Tagalog as an official language of the Philippines and
unsuccessfully tried to establish it as the medium of instruction
in the schools (Gonzalez, 1980, 79; Llamazon, Requiem for
Pilipino, building, 295).  KALIBAPI, Kapisanan sa Paglilingkod sa
Bagong Pilipinas (Association for Service to the New
Philippines), promoted a disassociation with anything American or
Occidental and an association with Filipino and Oriental customs,
including the languages (Official Gazette, Jan. 2, 1943:30-31 in
Gonzalez, nationalism, 83).  Because of this, the Filipinos came
out of the War with a much more pro-Filipino sentiment, even
after the recapture of the Islands by the Americans (Gonzalez,
1980, 94). This is notable in the formation of "Taliba ng Inang
Wika", Sentinel of the Mother Tongue founded by Lope K. Santos
shortly after the War (Gonzalez, 1980, 37).  
     This level of nationalist sentiment diminished with time and it
was not until the late 1960's that anything similar was seen. 
Even after being granted independence from the United States, the
Philippines retained English in their school system and
government; however, in 1967, a group of student activists formed
the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism (MAN).  One of
the objectives of this movement was to propagate the use of
Pilipino as the sole language of instruction in the school system
(Gonzalez, 1980, 97).
     In 1971, a group of protesters formed outside the Manila Hotel
where the Constitutional Convention was being held to insist that
the new constitution be written in Pilipino and then translated
to English and other languages (Llamazon, Requiem, building,
296). The Constitution was written in English however, as many in
the 1970's had come to recognize that English would continue to
play an important role in the lives of the Filipinos.  A movement
towards Filipino bilingualism in Pilipino/English was substituted
for the attempts to create a monolingual Pilipino society.  E. M.
Pascasio wrote in 1975,
"To move, however, toward monolingualism in the medium of
instruction, that is, Pilipino, is rather premature.  In my
opinion, it would be a very myopic perspective to aim at this
goal of monolingualism in this modern world where advancement of
knowledge and technological developments can only be possible
through the use of languages of wider communication" (Pascasio,
1975, 372).
The importance of the development of the national language had
not diminished nonetheless, and in 1987, Congress established the
National Language Commission which was to "promote researches of
Filipino and other languages for their development, propagation
and preservation" (1986 Constitutional Commission, Journal No.
78, September 9, 1986). In 1989, the University of the
Philippines established a five-year plan for a voluntary switch
from English to Tagalog as Bienvenido Lumbara a major proponent
of Filipino states "We must put English in its proper place as a
second language" (in Scott, Confusion of Tongues, 44). 
     After the selection of the Tagalog based national language, and
its consequent propagation in the schools, no groups were found
that had as their principle objective the defense and maintenance
of the other languages in the Philippines.  The only other
incidence of language defense found was in the 1988 proposal to
form the Cordillera Autonomous Region.  Several groups including
the Cordillera Bodong Association and  the Cordillera People's
Liberation Army presented a proposal to create the Cordillera
Autonomous Nation and called for the government to respect the
rights of this region to preserve their languages among other
things.  In the proposed Constitution for this region, Article II
speaks of "consolidating tribal unity along ethnolinguistic
lines"  and "promoting the official use of the tribes' common
language" in Article IX (in  Benton, 82).
     The rationale given by the different groups for the use of the
vernacular and later on for the national language in the schools
and in the government were basic twofold in nature.  One reason
give was for purely pedagogical reasons, stating that Filipinos
simply learn better in their own tongue than in English.  The
second reason given was to promote unity and solidarity among the
Filipinos.  It is often not clear at times if the unity and
solidarity sought was one of an ethnocultural nature, or more of
a political unity with a more patriotic nature to it.  
     Opposition on pedagogical grounds to English as the sole language
of instruction can be seen as early as 1924 when the American
Superintendent of Schools, N. M. Saleeby declared that the
English language was too different linguistically from the native
languages and therefore was not a fit medium of instruction
(Saleeby: 25-30 in Fonacier 38). In 1939, Manuel Roxas blamed the
use of English as a medium of instruction for the continuing
poverty and lack of intellectual development of the majority of
the Filipinos.  This premise was later confirmed in the Iloilo
Experiment initiated in 1948, where students taught in their
native language of Hilagaynon achieved higher scores than those
taught in English.  In 1953, Jorge Bocobo claimed that the use of
English was "sacrificing the main objective of education which
[was] to make useful citizens of the pupils' (Fonacier, 77).  The
opposition along these lines continued into the 1960's as
evidenced by nationalists explained that the use of English was
pedagogically unsound for teaching Filipinos (Alberca,
controversy, 67).  In the 1991 publication Making education
work:  an agenda for reform by the Congressional Commission
on Education, a recommendation is made to switch from English to
Filipino because students learn better. Although Dr. Isagani Cruz
and Brother Andrew Gonzalez have both expressed their doubts as
to whether the proposal of the Congressional Commission will
pass, the truth is that more and more courses, traditionally
taught in English are now being taught in Filipino.
     Many based their justification for including the national
language or the vernacular on pedagogical principles; however,
the majority of the reasons given were of a nationalistic or
patriotic nature (Gonzalez, 1980, 45). For example, Felipe E.
Jose used Tagalog to express his opinion that a country, although
politically free and independent, is not really free if its
people to share a language of their own in order to express its
thoughts and ideas as a nation (Gonzalez, 1980, 45).  Upon the
creation of the Constitution of 1934, the General Provisions
section specified that a national language was necessary in order
to "strengthen the solidarity of the Nation" (Gonzalez, 1980,
51).
     Hermenegildo Villanueva proposed that Tagalog be included as an
official language in 1935 in order to "strengthen the national
spirit and to promote the culture and progress of the Nation"
(Yabes, Building, 344).  Likewise, Quezon, in 1936 expressed that
"...a people constituting one nationality and one state should
possess a language spoken and understood by all...It is therefore
advisable to strengthen the true ties of national solidarity, and
in my opinion a common language based on one of the native
dialects as used by all our people is one of these bonds"
(Gonzalez, 1980, 64).  
     In 1942, Commissioner Claro M. Recto spoke of the importance of a
common language saying,
"More than anything else, it will keep us a united people and
invest us with that individuality and that national consciousness
which only a common native language can give.  For the culture,
sentiments, traditions and ideals of a people cannot live or
flourish in a borrowed tongue" (Constantino, 1969: 120-21)
     This nationalist sentiment was further advocated by the Japanese
during their take-over of the Philippines in World War II, but
with an additional association with the Oriental roots of the
Filipinos.  The Japanese promoted "a Philippines unfettered and
emancipated from occidental inhibitions and mannerisms, a
Philippines for Filipinos" (Aquino, Official gazette, Jan. 2,
1943:30-31).  The Constitution formed in 1943 included as an
objective of the education system the fostering of "dynamic and
intense nationalism and a profound love for things Philippine"
(Gonzalez, 1980, 86). 
     Although the intensity of the nationalist sentiment abated,
the fact that the Philippines had to Filipinize the government
and school system was clear, and by the 1960's the people of the
Philippines were beginning to recognize the importance of a
national language.  A 1960 Language Policy Survey by Otanes and
Sibayan showed that their informants felt their children should
learn Pilipino for patriotic reasons and to be able to understand
their heritage (Sibayan, for Fishman, 11).
     In 1968, Renato Constantino wrote a bench mark essay titled
"The miseducation of the Filipino" which emphasized the use of
English to indoctrinate the Filipinos in the American culture. 
"In exchange for a smattering of English, we yielded our souls. 
The stories of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln made us
forget our own nationalism...English became the wedge that
separated the Filipinos from their past and later was to separate
educated Filipinos from the masses of their countrymen." (4).
Constantino was the first to amply attack the school system and
English as the medium of instruction as the means for preserving
the colonial mentality and dependence on the United States.  He
continues,
"Our educators are wary about proposing the immediate adoption of
the national language as the medium of instruction because of
what they consider as opposition of other language groups.  This
is indicative of our colonial mentality.  Our educators do not
see any opposition to the use of a foreign language but fear
opposition to the use of the national language..."(16)
Constantino's essay has been cited in almost all research on the
history of the language policy in the Philippines, and was one of
the first readings recommended to this researcher while speaking
with different writers in the Philippines.
     Student activists, following Constantino's example quickly
blamed the use of the English language for the poor condition of
the educational system during the 60's. The Movement for
Advancement of Nationalism declared that a national language was
needed to unify and create equality among the classes (Gonzalez,
1980: 103, 133-34). Pilipino became the language of protest, as
activists protested against colonialism.  However, in general,
with this exception of this militant period from 1968-1972, the
nationalist movements of the Philippines were pro-Filipino and
not anti-colonialism or anti-American (Sibayan for Fishman, 13).
     Speeches by President Marcos during the 1970's were often
given in Pilipino and stressed the importance of a national
language for creating a unified Nation (Fonacier, 157-58);
however, developing bilingualism in English and Pilipino was
becoming more prevalent.  Pilipino was seen as the means to
express the culture, traditions, values and beliefs of the
Filipino (Pascasio, building, 334) which can still be seen in the
Deliberations on Language Policy for the 1987 Constitution where
Delegate Tadeo stressed that the country needed a national
language that would reflect the national spirit (12).  Sibayan,
(Bilingual Ed., also felt that through the use of Pilipino,
ethnolinguistic barriers had been downed in favor of a larger
national identity (320). 

Puerto Rico 

     Unlike most other territories acquired by the United States
during its expansionist period, a highly educated, politically
active group of professionals was already in existence on Puerto
Rico at the time of occupation.  There had already been organized
revolts against Spanish Imperialism and a wide variety of
literary genre of a nationalist nature by native uthors was
readily available.  Institutional support for national culture
also existed as well as many Spanish speaking politicians taking
an active role in legislation at that time.
     The native intellectual elite in existence on the Island at
the time were perhaps particularly influential with the general
population because of their public expression of national pride
in mass media and politics.  These poets and novelists were also
many times leading journalists for newspapers or active
participants in the political scenario of the time.
     Many examples of such people can be found such as Jose
Mercado who under the pseudonym "Momo" wrote poems such as "La
lengua castellano" (the Spanish language) but who also maintained
a newspaper column known as "Yanquerias" (Yankeeisms).  Antonio
Perez Pierret, a lawyer and a poet, published a magazine known as
"Revista de las Antillas" (Magazine of the Antilles) while also
producing such poems as "La Raza" (the Race), and "Nuestra
Bandera" (Our Flag).  Other poet-journalists of the time include
Mariano Abril, trinidad Padilla de Sanz, and Augusto Malaret who
wrote "Por mi patria y por mi idioma" (For my country and for my
language) in 1932.
     There were also those intellectuals who chose to enter into
the political arena such as Jose de Diego who from the very
beginning opposed the use of English in the schools of Puerto
Rico.  His 1915 attempt to pass legislation making Spanish  the
only language of instruction is evidence of this (Bill 1, January
1, 1915).
     Rosendo Matienzo Cintron who presided the House of
Representatives from 1904 to 1906, was a proponent for the
placement fo Puerto Ricans in positions of power within the
Puerto Rican government instead of the Americans.  Mu¤oz Rivera's
open and vocal opposition to English in te schools is also well
documented in political speeches such as "Puerto Rico para los
puertorrique¤os" (Puerto Rico for the Puerto Ricans) in the early
1900's.  Later on, his son Luis Mu¤oz Marin would follow in his
father's footsteps with highly nationalist discourses such as "O
Yankee o puertorrique¤o" (Yankee or Puerto Rican). 
     Puerto Rican politicians occupying seats in Congress such as
Vito Marcantonio also fought to defend Puerto Rico's language. 
This politician, in 1946, wrote to President Truman urging him to
support Bill 51, a Bill that had been vetoed by the Governor of
Puerto Rico and which would have established Spanish as the
medium of instruction in the schools. (Ojeda Reyes, 1978,
108-111).
     There was also established institutional support for the
Puerto Rican language and culture upon the arrival of the United
States forces.  One example is the Ateneo of Puerto Rico which
was established in 1876 as a result of the intellectual elite's
perceived need to expand and increase the cultural knowledge of
the masses, and to affirm the Puerto Rican national identity
(Rodriguez Otero, Gran Encyclopedia of Puerto Rico, , 105-129). 
It was the first organization dedicated to the promotion of arts,
sciences and letters on the Island (Nacionalism--populismo, 67)
     In 1888, the Ateneo founded the Institute of Higher
Education which included 2 Colleges of Language and a College of
Philosophy and Letters.  It also included a law school and
medicine school.
     More directly related to the preservation of the Spanish
language was the founding of the Antillian Academy of Language. 
This initiative by Jose de Diego was passed into law on April 8,
1916.  The purpose of the Academy was essentially the unity,
conservation, purity and enrichment of the native language (Title
III, article 5). This Academy was the precursor of what is today
the Language Academy of Puerto Rico.
     In addition to the group of literary leaders, politicians
and organizations defending the language and culture of Puerto
Rico, there was a great deal of support by teachers in the public
schools, particularly during the 1930's.  These teachers lead
acts such as the lowering of American flags to replace them with
Puerto Rican flags in front of many schools and public buildings
across the island (Ferrao, 38). And the refusal of teacher Ines
Mendoza to use English as the medium of instruction eventually
led to her dismissal in 1937. The Teacher's Association was also
publically opposed to the use of English in the schools of Puerto
Rico. 
     Mariano Villaronga, Commissioner of Education in 1946,
openly supported the use of Spanish, not English as the medium of
instruction. This also cost him his position until 1949, when
newly elected Governor Mu¤oz Marin reinstated him.  Shortly
thereafter, Spanish was official established as the language of
instruction in the public schools.
     After 1949, with the battle to retain Spanish in the schools
all but won, the nationalist efforts to defend Spanish became
less evident. However, even those politicians who favored a
closer and more permanent political association with the United
States continued to make clear that the language and culture of
Puerto Rico was not negotiable. Even Luis Ferre, a principal
leader of the pro-statehood party declared that one of the goals
of this party was to define the identity, language, traditions
and personality of the Puerto Rican under this proposed status
(The human purpose, 1960).  Also during the 1960's the battle to
use Spanish as the sole language of the judicial system was won
by Nilita Vientos de Gaston.  After this final battle, the
defense of Spanish had for all practical purposes been achieved,
and the language issue seemed to become more one of reaffirmation
than defense.